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dark\u2029 sides\u2029 of\u2029 one’s\u2029 history\u2029 has\u2029 become\u2029 a\u2029 significant\u2029 topos\u2029 within\u2029 a\u2029 policy\u2029 of\u2029 remembrance\u2029 and\u2029 cultural\u2029 commemoration.\u2029 In\u2029 contrast,\u2029 a\u2029 country\u2029 like\u2029 Russia\u2029 refuses\u2029 to\u2029 step\u2029 into\u2029 this\u2029 process\u2029 of\u2029 establishing\u2029 a\u2029 new\u2029 post‐national\u2029 regime\u2029 d’historicite\u2029 and\u2029 refers\u2029 to\u2029 history\u2029 only\u2029 in\u2029 order\u2029 to\u2029 strengthen\u2029 its\u2029 national\u2029 identity:\u2029 While\u2029 remembering\u2029 its\u2029 effort\u2029 in\u2029 defeating\u2029 Germany\u2029 in\u2029 the\u2029 “Great\u2029 Fatherland \u2029War,”\u2029Russian \u2029society \u2029forgets \u2029about \u2029the \u2029trauma\u2029 of \u2029the\u2029 Gulag \u2029and \u2029crimes\u2029committed \u2029in \u2029its \u2029name\u2029 in\u2029 other\u2029 former\u2029 states\u2029 of\u2029 the\u2029 Soviet\u2029 Union.\u2029 My\u2029 paper\u2029 argues\u2029 that\u2029 the\u2029 specific\u2029 setting\u2029 of\u2029 Russia’s\u2029 official\u2029 policy\u2029 of\u2029 remembrance\u2029 is\u2029 due\u2029 to\u2029 the\u2029 notion\u2029 of\u2029 a\u2029 society\u2029 of\u2029 heroes\u2029 once\u2029 forcibly\u2029 institutionalized\u2029 as\u2029 the\u2029 constitutive\u2029 historiographical\u2029 principle\u2029 by\u2029 Stalin’s\u2029 regime.\u2029 Regarding\u2029 to\u2029 the\u2029 discourse\u2029 in\u2029 the\u2029 field\u2029 of\u2029 memory\u2029 such\u2029 a\u2029 forced\u2029 interconnection\u2029 between\u2029 historiography\u2029 and\u2029 memory\u2029 could\u2029 be\u2029 characterized\u2029 as\u2029 »occupied\u2029 memory«.\u2029 Although\u2029 Russia’s\u2029 official\u2029 policy\u2029 of\u2029 remembrance\u2029 passed\u2029 through\u2029 several\u2029 quite\u2029 dif‐ ferent\u2029 phases,\u2029 nowadays,\u2029 however,\u2029 a\u2029 critical\u2029 approach\u2029 to\u2029 Russia’s\u2029 past\u2029 has\u2029 been\u2029 replaced\u2029 by\u2029 a\u2029 “patriotic\u2029 consensus” \u2029that\u2029 expresses \u2029a \u2029new\u2029–\u2029or \u2029better\u2029–\u2029 an \u2029old\u2029 Russian \u2029concept\u2029 of \u2029identity.","PeriodicalId":30144,"journal":{"name":"The New School Psychology Bulletin","volume":"6 1","pages":"51-59"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0000,"publicationDate":"2009-05-10","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":"0","resultStr":"{\"title\":\"Stalinism, Memory and Commemoration: Russia’s dealing with the past\",\"authors\":\"Christian Volk\",\"doi\":\"10.1037/e741482011-006\",\"DOIUrl\":null,\"url\":null,\"abstract\":\"In\\u2029 the\\u2029 last\\u2029 twenty‐five\\u2029 years\\u2029 there\\u2029 has\\u2029 been\\u2029 a\\u2029 significant\\u2029 change\\u2029 in\\u2029 the\\u2029 way\\u2029 political\\u2029 communities\\u2029 deal\\u2029 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引用次数: 0
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批量引用
摘要
最后
二十还是五
年
被
显著
改变
方式
政治
社区
处理
过去。
”国家“
政策
羞惭,
这
强调
英雄
事迹
成员,
纪念
其
自己
和
犯罪受害者
造成
其他
实体,
犯罪和
忘记
在
名称
自己的
社区
似乎
被
取代
通过
“后应承担的国家”
政策
remebrance。
在
几个国家
处理
黑暗
两边
已经成为历史的
重大
主题
在
政策
纪念
文化
纪念。
对比,
俄罗斯等国家
拒绝
一步
这个
过程
建立
新的
发布国家
政权
d 'historicite
和
指
历史
只有
顺序
加强
国家
身份:
而
记住
努力
击败德国
在
“伟大
祖国
战争,“
俄罗斯
社会
忘记
关于
创伤
拉格
和
犯罪
的名字
其他
前
州
苏联
联盟。
论文
指出
特定
设置
俄罗斯
官方政策的
纪念
是因为
概念的
社会
英雄
曾经
强行
制度化
本构
史学
原理研究
斯大林的
政权。
关于
字段的
话语
内存
这样
迫使
史学之间的互连
和
内存
可以
»占领
记忆«
特征。
虽然
俄罗斯
官方政策的
纪念
穿过
几个
相当
dif检测台
阶段,
现在,然而,
关键
方法
俄罗斯
过去
一直
取代
通过
“爱国
共识”
表达
新
——
或
更好
——
老
俄罗斯
身份概念。
本文章由计算机程序翻译,如有差异,请以英文原文为准。
Stalinism, Memory and Commemoration: Russia’s dealing with the past
In
the
last
twenty‐five
years
there
has
been
a
significant
change
in
the
way
political
communities
deal
with
their
past.
A
“national”
policy
of
remembrance,
which
highlights
the
heroic
deeds
of
its
members,
commemorates
its
own
victims
and
crimes
inflicted
by
other
entities,
and
forgets
about
crimes
committed
in
the
name
of
one’s
own
community
seems
to
be
replaced
by
a
“post‐national”
policy
of
remebrance.
In
several
countries
dealing
with
the
dark
sides
of
one’s
history
has
become
a
significant
topos
within
a
policy
of
remembrance
and
cultural
commemoration.
In
contrast,
a
country
like
Russia
refuses
to
step
into
this
process
of
establishing
a
new
post‐national
regime
d’historicite
and
refers
to
history
only
in
order
to
strengthen
its
national
identity:
While
remembering
its
effort
in
defeating
Germany
in
the
“Great
Fatherland
War,”
Russian
society
forgets
about
the
trauma
of
the
Gulag
and
crimes
committed
in
its
name
in
other
former
states
of
the
Soviet
Union.
My
paper
argues
that
the
specific
setting
of
Russia’s
official
policy
of
remembrance
is
due
to
the
notion
of
a
society
of
heroes
once
forcibly
institutionalized
as
the
constitutive
historiographical
principle
by
Stalin’s
regime.
Regarding
to
the
discourse
in
the
field
of
memory
such
a
forced
interconnection
between
historiography
and
memory
could
be
characterized
as
»occupied
memory«.
Although
Russia’s
official
policy
of
remembrance
passed
through
several
quite
dif‐ ferent
phases,
nowadays,
however,
a
critical
approach
to
Russia’s
past
has
been
replaced
by
a
“patriotic
consensus”
that
expresses
a
new
–
or
better
–
an
old
Russian
concept
of
identity.