加拿大和欧洲劳工权利的宪法化:结社自由、集体谈判和罢工

IF 1.4 2区 社会学 Q1 LAW Current Legal Problems Pub Date : 2015-01-01 DOI:10.1093/CLP/CUV003
J. Fudge
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引用次数: 13

摘要

为什么加拿大和欧盟的工会要上法庭,声称集体谈判和罢工的权利是基本人权,因此受到宪法保护?我对这个问题的方法是社会-法律;我感兴趣的是,这种形式的主张揭示了政治权力如何在当代全球世界中合法化。我认为,将劳工权利宪法化的目标是一个更广泛、更普遍的全球宪法化的具体例子,它涉及到法律的合法性从制宪权力、人民意志和民主向权利的转变,在这种转变中,法院是复杂的跨国宪政的关键机构。我将全球宪政的社会学描述与加拿大和欧洲的多种宪法的法律文献联系起来。然后,我转而研究加拿大和欧盟的工会如何援引国际人权来将集体谈判和罢工的权利宪法化,我的具体重点是法院如何在其推理中部署这些权利,以及如何通过不同的审判场所传播国际人权。在叙述了工会在加拿大和欧洲将劳工权利宪法化的努力取得的进展之后,我讨论了席卷国际劳工组织监督机构的关于罢工权的争议。最后,我考虑法院使用国际人权来解释结社自由的范围是否加剧或改善了民主和制宪权力作为全球宪政政治合法性基础的位移。
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Constitutionalizing Labour Rights in Canada and Europe: Freedom of Association, Collective Bargaining, and Strikes
Why are unions in Canada and the European Union going to court to claim that the rights to bargain collectively and to strike are fundamental human rights and thus constitutionally protected? My approach to this question is socio-legal; I am interested in what this form of claims making reveals about how political power is legitimated in the contemporary global world. I argue that the goal of constitutionalizing labour rights is a specific example of the broader and much more pervasive global constitutionalization that involves a shift in law’s legitimacy from constituent power, the will of the people, and democracy to rights in which courts are the key institutions in a complex transnational constitutionalism. I situate a sociological account of global constitutionalism in relation to the legal literature on multiple constitutions in Canada and Europe. I then turn to examine how international human rights are invoked by trade unions in Canada and the EU to constitutionalize the rights to bargain collectively and to strike, and my specific focus is on how courts deploy these rights in their reasoning and the circulation of international human rights through different adjudicative sites. After recounting how unions’ attempts to constitutionalize labour rights in Canada and at the European level have fared, I discuss the controversy over the right to strike that has engulfed the International Labour Organization’s supervisory bodies. To conclude, I consider whether the use of international human rights by courts to interpret the scope of freedom of association exacerbates or ameliorates the displacement of democracy and constituent power as a basis of political legitimacy in global constitutionalism.
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