民主的火炬手:第一次世界大战时期的非裔美国士兵

G. Jensen
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引用次数: 9

摘要

民主的火炬手:第一次世界大战时期的非裔美国士兵。查德·l·威廉姆斯著。教堂山:北卡罗来纳大学出版社,2010。第13页,452页。引言、插图、注释、参考书目、索引。34.95美元)。查德·威廉姆斯的《民主火炬手》对非裔美国士兵在一战之前、期间和之后所面临的诸多挑战进行了极好的审视。研究美国军事史的学者会欣赏威廉姆斯的细节水平,而普通读者会喜欢这本书的整体可读性。伍德罗·威尔逊(Woodrow Wilson)总统呼吁武装起来,将这场战争描述为展示美国民主潜力的机会,这在黑人社区引起了巨大共鸣。非洲裔美国人将这场战争视为证明自己与白人平等的机会,于是大量参军。但对一些人来说,这场战争有着更大的潜力。W. E. B.杜波依斯相信,非裔美国士兵将成为自由和平等的“火炬手”,不仅为他们自己,也为其他被压迫的世界。当非裔美国人社区梦想着国内和国际的平等时,美国的军事机构在很大程度上反映了其军官团的信念,这群人在种族问题上同情南方白人的情感。他们认为最好是隔离黑人,限制他们在战争中的作用。毕竟,给予非裔美国士兵平等的角色会使种族现状处于危险之中,这是军队中的南方白人不会接受的前景。结果,大多数黑人应征者和志愿者发现自己被降级到美国和饱受战争蹂躏的欧洲去做琐碎的工作。然而,非裔美国士兵的工作并不仅限于装卸工人或劳工。在美国军队的建设过程中,陆军部创建了两个全是黑人的战斗单位:第92师和第93师。正如威廉姆斯所指出的那样,这两个阶层的经历截然不同,这主要是由于制度性种族主义。隶属于美国远征军(American Expeditionary Force, AEF)的第92师接受了简陋的训练,配备了种族主义白人军官,在战争初期处于一个不令人羡慕的位置。结果,这支部队表现不稳定,赢得了在炮火下缺乏勇气的名声,从而成为白人心目中黑人士兵在战斗中表现不佳的一个很好的例子。…
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Torchbearers of Democracy: African American Soldiers in the World War I Era
Torchbearers of Democracy: African American Soldiers in the World War I Era. By Chad L. Williams. (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2010. Pp. xiii, 452. Introduction, illustrations, notes, bibliography, index. $34.95.) Chad Williams' Torchbearers of Democracy provides an excellent examination of the many challenges facing African- American soldiers before, during, and after the Great War. Scholars of American military history will appreciate Williams' level of detail, while general readers will enjoy the overall readability of the work. President Woodrow Wilson's call to arms, characterizing the war as an opportunity to display the potential of American democracy, resonated loudly within the black community. African-American citizens, viewing the war as an opportunity to prove themselves as equals to whites, enlisted in great numbers. But for some, the war had an even greater potential. W. E. B. Du Bois believed that African- American soldiers would serve as "Torch Bearers" for freedom and equality not only for themselves but also for the rest of the oppressed world. While the African- American community dreamed of domestic and international equality, the American military establishment largely mirrored the beliefs of its officer corps, a group of men sympathetic to white southern sensibilities on racial matters. They decided it was best to segregate blacks and limit the role they played in the war. After all, to grant African-American soldiers an equal role would put the racial status quo in jeopardy, a prospect that white southerners within the military would not accept. As a result, the majority of black draftees and volunteers found themselves relegated to work details in America and in war-torn Europe. African-American soldiers, however, were not exclusively limited to work as stevedores or laborers. During the buildup of American forces, the War Department created two all-black combat units: the Ninety-second and Ninety-third divisions. As Williams notes, though, the experiences of the two divisions differed sharply, largely due to institutional racism. The Ninety-second division, which remained attached to the American Expeditionary Force (AEF), received shabby training, was staffed by racist white officers, and was placed in an unenviable position during its early involvement in the war. The result was an outfit that performed in an inconsistent manner and that earned a reputation for lacking courage under fire, thereby becoming the great example, in the minds of whites, of the inability of black soldiers to perform well in combat. …
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