书评:神圣的家庭。西底比斯新王国皇家纪念神庙的行政和经济方面

IF 0.6 3区 历史学 0 ARCHAEOLOGY JOURNAL OF EGYPTIAN ARCHAEOLOGY Pub Date : 2004-12-01 DOI:10.1177/030751330409001S14
Dimitri Meeks
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Although a larger part is played by the daughters of foreign rulers, it is never as correspondents, but only as the means to cement alliances or show the loyalty of a subject ruler to his overlord. Roth sets her material into a theoretical framework drawn from sociology. Using the premise that cross-cultural contact brings about change, she wants to know what the consequences of Egypt's contacts with Near Eastern states were for the ideology of kingship and the queen's role in it and for the actual political role of royal women in Egyptian foreign policy. A broad but rather banal answer seems to be that such contact led on the one hand to the acceptance and adaptation of foreign models and on the other, to the strengthening of the traditional view towards foreigners. The former is shown in the external sources and the latter in the internal ones, so that to see the whole picture, one must use both types of sources together. In order to describe the processes of cultural change that result from the interaction of individuals and groups from different cultures, Roth borrows from sociology the idea of network models. Thus, at an ideological level, where Egypt shows asymmetric relationships with other states, we have an egocentric network. Egyptian queens, as hmot (nt ) tszo nbw and subjugators of enemies, and daughters of foreign rulers coming to Egypt to marry the king in a one way direction only, are part of this egocentric, asymmetrical network. At a diplomatic level, however, Egypt has symmetrical relationships with other states, both sending and receiving ambassadors and correspondence. As far as Egyptian queens participated in this latter system-and their participation was limited-they too were part of an equal network with symmetrical relationships between its various parts. Roth then argues that in the area of international marriage politics, Egypt changes from an egocentric, asymmetrical model to an equal, symmetrical network when Ramesses II agrees to marry his daughter by his first Hittite wife to a foreign ruler. Finally, Roth posits that individuals form bridges between networks over which information can be disseminated. In this way, daughters of foreign rulers entering Egypt with their entourages formed a link between Egypt and the culture they had come from and thus brought about cultural exchange both through concrete objects, such as those in their dowry and bride price, and through the flow of abstract ideas back and forth. However, she does not identify actual changes within Egyptian culture that might have been brought about in this way. For instance, was this how some of the foreign deities that became popular during the reign of Amenhotep III were introduced into Egypt? The results derived from the application of this particular methodological framework seem in the end to be rather slight and add little to our interpretation of the role of royal women in Egyptian foreign policy. Indeed, when all is said and done, this role-whether ideological for home consumption or actual as part of the international diplomatic system-turns out to have been remarkably small. The women who played the largest part were the many daughters of foreign rulers who acted as the cement that held together the network of alliances between equal rulers on the one hand and the overlord-vassal relationships between Egypt and subject rulers on the other. 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Egyptian queens, as hmot (nt ) tszo nbw and subjugators of enemies, and daughters of foreign rulers coming to Egypt to marry the king in a one way direction only, are part of this egocentric, asymmetrical network. At a diplomatic level, however, Egypt has symmetrical relationships with other states, both sending and receiving ambassadors and correspondence. As far as Egyptian queens participated in this latter system-and their participation was limited-they too were part of an equal network with symmetrical relationships between its various parts. Roth then argues that in the area of international marriage politics, Egypt changes from an egocentric, asymmetrical model to an equal, symmetrical network when Ramesses II agrees to marry his daughter by his first Hittite wife to a foreign ruler. Finally, Roth posits that individuals form bridges between networks over which information can be disseminated. 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引用次数: 44

摘要

他认为这是埃及与近东国家之间的长期接触所带来的变化,这种接触最终迫使埃及遵守近东的外交习俗。然而,由于有关公主是拉美西斯和他的第一任赫梯妻子的女儿,她有可能与他的埃及妻子的女儿属于不同的类别,并且在赫梯通信中没有证据表明拉美西斯二世的任何其他女儿在国际婚姻市场上。总而言之,很明显,埃及女王(mwt nsw和hmt nsw wrt)在国际外交通信系统中的作用非常有限。虽然外国统治者的女儿扮演了更重要的角色,但从来都不是作为通信,而只是作为巩固联盟或显示臣民统治者对其霸主忠诚的手段。罗斯将她的材料置于社会学的理论框架中。以跨文化接触带来改变为前提,她想知道埃及与近东国家的接触对王权意识形态和女王在其中的角色以及王室女性在埃及外交政策中的实际政治角色产生了什么影响。一个广泛但相当平庸的答案似乎是,这种接触一方面导致接受和适应外国模式,另一方面加强了对外国人的传统看法。前者在外部源中显示,后者在内部源中显示,因此要看到全貌,必须同时使用两种类型的源。为了描述来自不同文化的个人和群体相互作用所导致的文化变迁过程,罗斯借用了社会学的网络模型思想。因此,在意识形态层面上,埃及表现出与其他国家的不对称关系,我们有一个以自我为中心的网络。埃及的王后,作为国王的臣民和征服者,以及外国统治者的女儿来埃及嫁给国王,只是单向的,是这个以自我为中心的,不对称网络的一部分。然而,在外交层面上,埃及与其他国家的关系是对称的,既可以派遣大使,也可以接收信件。就埃及女王参与后一体系而言——她们的参与是有限的——她们也是平等网络的一部分,各部分之间的关系是对称的。罗斯接着认为,在国际婚姻政治领域,当拉美西斯二世同意将他的第一任赫梯妻子所生的女儿嫁给外国统治者时,埃及从一个以自我为中心的、不对称的模式转变为一个平等的、对称的网络。最后,罗斯假设个人在网络之间形成了信息传播的桥梁。通过这种方式,外国统治者的女儿和他们的随行人员进入埃及,形成了埃及和他们来自的文化之间的联系,从而通过具体的物品,如嫁妆和彩礼,以及通过抽象的思想来回流动,带来了文化交流。然而,她并没有指出埃及文化中可能以这种方式带来的实际变化。例如,在阿蒙霍特普三世统治时期流行起来的一些外国神灵就是这样被引入埃及的吗?应用这种特殊的方法框架得到的结果似乎最终相当轻微,对我们对王室女性在埃及外交政策中的作用的解释也没有什么帮助。的确,当一切都说了又做了,这个角色——无论是国内消费的意识形态还是作为国际外交体系的一部分的实际作用——被证明是非常小的。扮演最重要角色的女性是许多外国统治者的女儿,她们作为粘合剂将平等统治者之间的联盟网络和埃及与臣民统治者之间的领主-附庸关系联系在一起。然而,在记录中,他们几乎完全是匿名的,他们不是主要的、独立的参与者或行动的发起者,而只是为了达到他们父亲的目的而四处移动的棋子。
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Book Review: Divine Households. Administrative and Economic Aspects of the New Kingdom Royal Memorial Temples in Western Thebes
sees this as a change brought about through the extended contact between Egypt and the states of the Near East that pressured Egypt eventually to conform to Near Eastern diplomatic custom. However, since the princess concerned is the daughter of Ramesses and his first Hittite wife, it is possible that she was in a different category from the daughters of his Egyptian wives, and there is no evidence in the Hittite correspondence that any other daughters of Ramesses II were in the market for an international marriage. All in all, it is clear that Egyptian queens (mwt nsw and hmt nsw wrt) had a very limited role in the system of international diplomatic correspondence. Although a larger part is played by the daughters of foreign rulers, it is never as correspondents, but only as the means to cement alliances or show the loyalty of a subject ruler to his overlord. Roth sets her material into a theoretical framework drawn from sociology. Using the premise that cross-cultural contact brings about change, she wants to know what the consequences of Egypt's contacts with Near Eastern states were for the ideology of kingship and the queen's role in it and for the actual political role of royal women in Egyptian foreign policy. A broad but rather banal answer seems to be that such contact led on the one hand to the acceptance and adaptation of foreign models and on the other, to the strengthening of the traditional view towards foreigners. The former is shown in the external sources and the latter in the internal ones, so that to see the whole picture, one must use both types of sources together. In order to describe the processes of cultural change that result from the interaction of individuals and groups from different cultures, Roth borrows from sociology the idea of network models. Thus, at an ideological level, where Egypt shows asymmetric relationships with other states, we have an egocentric network. Egyptian queens, as hmot (nt ) tszo nbw and subjugators of enemies, and daughters of foreign rulers coming to Egypt to marry the king in a one way direction only, are part of this egocentric, asymmetrical network. At a diplomatic level, however, Egypt has symmetrical relationships with other states, both sending and receiving ambassadors and correspondence. As far as Egyptian queens participated in this latter system-and their participation was limited-they too were part of an equal network with symmetrical relationships between its various parts. Roth then argues that in the area of international marriage politics, Egypt changes from an egocentric, asymmetrical model to an equal, symmetrical network when Ramesses II agrees to marry his daughter by his first Hittite wife to a foreign ruler. Finally, Roth posits that individuals form bridges between networks over which information can be disseminated. In this way, daughters of foreign rulers entering Egypt with their entourages formed a link between Egypt and the culture they had come from and thus brought about cultural exchange both through concrete objects, such as those in their dowry and bride price, and through the flow of abstract ideas back and forth. However, she does not identify actual changes within Egyptian culture that might have been brought about in this way. For instance, was this how some of the foreign deities that became popular during the reign of Amenhotep III were introduced into Egypt? The results derived from the application of this particular methodological framework seem in the end to be rather slight and add little to our interpretation of the role of royal women in Egyptian foreign policy. Indeed, when all is said and done, this role-whether ideological for home consumption or actual as part of the international diplomatic system-turns out to have been remarkably small. The women who played the largest part were the many daughters of foreign rulers who acted as the cement that held together the network of alliances between equal rulers on the one hand and the overlord-vassal relationships between Egypt and subject rulers on the other. Almost totally anonymous in the record, they were not, however, major, independent players or instigators of action, but merely pawns to be moved around to suit the purposes of their fathers.
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