多地区诉讼中的当事人偏好

IF 2.2 2区 社会学 Q1 LAW California Law Review Pub Date : 2019-01-01 DOI:10.15779/Z38TT4FT52
Andrew D. Bradt, Z. Clopton
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引用次数: 0

摘要

也许复杂诉讼的两个最突出的趋势是多地区诉讼(MDL)的兴起和原告条件聚合的下降。根据最近的统计数据,超过三分之一的联邦案件是在多地区诉讼司法小组(JPML)精心挑选的法官面前进行诉讼的,而多地区诉讼司法小组本身也是由首席大法官精心挑选的。与此同时,关于属人管辖权、集体诉讼和其他议题的裁决大大降低了原告在复杂案件中选择首选法庭的能力。当法学家和学者建议MDL为集体诉讼提供支持时,这些趋势交叉了,因为它不受个人管辖权和集体认证规则的约束。因此,大规模案件的最终选择似乎越来越多地掌握在JPML的手中,而不是原告的手中。这种对MDL作为聚合的主要载体的依赖使得了解原告和被告在JPML面前的表现尤其重要,当他们争论在哪里和在谁面前应该听到新的MDL时。本文介绍了我们对政党偏好与特定地区和法官的mdl分配之间关系的实证研究结果。基于对每一个五年期间(2012-2016)的MDL的研究,我们发现政党偏好对MDL地区的选择有意义。当原告和被告就首选地区达成一致时,该地区很可能是军事分界线的最终所在地。当原告和被告不同意时,JPML大致相等地站在原告和被告一边。然而,这种形式上的平等是否意味着实质的平等,是一个值得进一步关注的问题——它引起了人们对那些首先将更多案件推入MDL的力量的更深层次的关注。我们还研究了分配给mdl的个别法官的特征。我们发现,JPML没有利用其任命权力从事党派行为,它确保了受让法官与整体法官一样多样化,尽管它没有走在多样化的前沿。总而言之,我们对小组的决定感到鼓舞,尽管我们认为这些调查结果需要进一步审查联邦程序和司法行政。小组在法庭选择方面平等对待原告和被告,因此MDL是聚合的最佳(或唯一)选择的频率有多高很重要,而且它将案件分配给代表联邦地区法官的法官,因此由谁组成联邦司法机构很重要。当然,该小组本身在这一日益增长的联邦诉讼领域中扮演着核心角色,因此首席大法官首先任命谁担任小组成员很重要。因此,了解这些力量对于评估在MDL日益主导联邦司法系统的时代的程序公平性至关重要。
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Party Preferences in Multidistrict Litigation
Perhaps the two most salient trends in complex litigation have been the rise of multidistrict litigation (MDL) and the fall of aggregation on plaintiffs’ terms. According to recent statistics, more than one third of federal cases are consolidated within MDLs — meaning that they are being litigated before judges handpicked by the Judicial Panel on Multidistrict Litigation (JPML), which itself was handpicked by the Chief Justice. Meanwhile, decisions on personal jurisdiction, class actions, and other topics have dramatically reduced plaintiffs’ abilities to select their preferred forum for complex cases. These trends intersect when jurists and scholars suggest that MDL provides a backstop for aggregate litigation because it is not constrained by rules on personal jurisdiction and class certification. The ultimate choice, then, of the forum in which large-scale cases will be litigated seems to be increasingly in the unconstrained hands of the JPML, and not the plaintiffs’. This reliance on MDL as the primary vehicle for aggregation makes it particularly important to know how plaintiffs and defendants fare before the JPML when they argue over where and before whom a new MDL should be heard. This paper presents the results of our empirical study of the relationship between party preferences and the assignment of MDLs to particular districts and judges. Based on a study of every MDL for a five-year period (2012-2016), we find that party preferences are meaningful for the selection of MDL districts. When plaintiffs and defendants agree on a preferred district, that district is very likely to be the eventual location of the MDL. When they disagree, the JPML sides with plaintiffs and defendants roughly equally. Whether this formal equality implies substantive equality, though, is an issue that merits further attention — and it raises deeper concerns about those forces that are pushing more cases into MDL in the first place. We also examine the characteristics of individual judges to which MDLs are assigned. We find that the JPML has not used its appointment power to engage in partisan behavior and it has ensured that transferee judges are as diverse as judges overall, although it has not been at the leading edge of diversification. In sum, we are encouraged by the Panel’s decisions as far as they go, though we believe that these findings call for further scrutiny of federal procedure and judicial administration. The Panel is treating plaintiffs and defendants equally with respect to forum choice, so it matters how frequently MDL is the best (or only) option for aggregation, and it is assigning cases to judges that are representative of federal district judges, so it matters who makes up the federal judiciary. And, of course, the Panel itself is a central actor in this ever-growing segment of federal litigation, so it matters whom the Chief Justice appoints to serve on the Panel in the first place. Understanding these forces is therefore critical to assessing procedural fairness in an era of increasing MDL dominance of the federal judicial system.
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来源期刊
CiteScore
2.70
自引率
8.30%
发文量
1
期刊介绍: This review essay considers the state of hybrid democracy in California through an examination of three worthy books: Daniel Weintraub, Party of One: Arnold Schwarzenegger and the Rise of the Independent Voter; Center for Governmental Studies, Democracy by Initiative: Shaping California"s Fourth Branch of Government (Second Edition), and Mark Baldassare and Cheryl Katz, The Coming of Age of Direct Democracy: California"s Recall and Beyond. The essay concludes that despite the hoopla about Governor Schwarzenegger as a "party of one" and a new age of "hybrid democracy" in California.
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