当两三个人走到一起

T. Meares, Kelsi Brown Corkran
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引用次数: 57

摘要

本文从基于社区的角度研究了应对弱势城市社区犯罪的政策。这辆车是对1997年5月在芝加哥举行的社区祈祷守夜活动的分析。这次守夜活动是芝加哥警察局和芝加哥西区数百个(主要是)非裔美国人教堂合作的结果。引人注目的是,当地警察局的指挥官为守夜活动提供了便利。我们通过借鉴城市社会学的“芝加哥学派”来解释这种合作的社会学和政治意义,并从理论上和经验上证明这种合作的潜力,通过整合关键的社区机构,提高社区抵御犯罪的能力,并完成居民的其他目标和项目。文章的结尾提到了宪法问题。如果教会和警察之间通过宗教活动的合作提高了贫困少数民族社区的社区效率,那么是否有办法调和这种活动的好处与宪法对宗教机构的关注?我们关注的是非裔美国人能够通过诉讼影响这种法理学的程度,而不是政教分离条款法理学的内部结构。对该诉讼的回顾揭示了非裔美国人参与政教分离条款法理学发展的特殊性质,它清楚地表明,政教互动的司法制裁已经并将继续产生重要的种族后果。非裔美国人通过具有代表性的诉讼机构,一直承认政教合作关系的不同影响,但最高法院从未承认其政教分离条款判决的非宗教含义。因此,政教分离条款的法理与差别影响的现实脱节,这对非裔美国人社区来说是潜在的问题。我们认为,挖掘不同影响的现实对于评估现代教会-国家合作关系应该被允许甚至被国家祝福的程度至关重要。
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When 2 or 3 Come Together
This article investigates policies that are responsive to crime in disadvantaged, urban neighborhoods from a community-based context. The vehicle is an analysis of a community-wide prayer vigil held in Chicago in May of 1997. The vigil resulted from a collaboration between the Chicago Police Department and hundreds of (mostly) African-American churches on Chicago's West Side. Strikingly, the local police district's commander facilitated the vigil. We explain the sociological and political significance of this collaboration by drawing upon the "Chicago School" of urban sociology and demonstrating theoretically and empirically the potential for the collaboration, through the integration of key community institutions, to promote community capacity to resist crime and to complete other goals and projects of residents. The article's end addresses constitutional questions. If collaboration between churches and the police through religious activity enhances the community efficacy of poor minority neighborhoods, is there any way to reconcile the benefits of such activity with constitutional concerns about religious establishment? We focus on the extent to which African Americans have been able to influence this jurisprudence through litigation rather than the internal structure of Establishment Clause jurisprudence. A review of the litigation reveals the particular nature of the involvement of African Americans in the development of Establishment Clause jurisprudence, and it demonstrates plainly the extent to which judicial sanction of church-state interaction has had, and continues to have, important racial consequences. African Americans, through representative litigating institutions, have consistently recognized the disparate impact of church-state partnerships, but the Court has never acknowledged the non-religious implications of its Establishment Clause decisions. As a result, Establishment Clause jurisprudence is disconnected from the realities of disparate impact, and that is potentially problematic for African-American communities. We believe excavation of the realities of disparate impact is critical in assessing the extent to which modern church state partnerships should be allowed or even blessed by the state.
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