地方主义与阿肯色州州警察的建立

M. G. Lindsey
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This preference for localism, or, as Edward Ayers more precisely described it, \"localistic republicanism,\" opposed any attempts, no matter how noble minded, to invest an outside entity with authority over community affairs.1 The clearest expression of Arkansans' longstanding desire for local control can be seen in the 1874 state constitution, which has been described by one scholar of Arkansas politics as \"specifically designed to protect citizens from possible oppression by their own state government.\" \"Pervasive distrust of government,\" Diane Blair said, \"is expressed in almost every section of the 1874 document.\"2 The document, for example, sharply limited the governor's power to appoint officials and allowed his vetoes to be overridden by a simple majority, while rendering the legislature a part-time institution with strictly limited taxing authority. With a constitution that marginalized state government, power and influence fell to local elites who wielded a significant amount of control over elected officials at the local and state levels.3 That Arkansans proved particularly stubborn in their adherence to localistic republicanism is suggested by the fact that Arkansas remained one of the few states without a statewide law enforcement agency in January 1935. Tracing the repeated efforts to create a state police force shows just how deep this ideology ran, even though such a body, like many other Progressive-era agencies, had the potential to provide numerous benefits for the state's residents. The ultimate success of the state police movement, therefore, represented a significant turning point, both symbolic and actual, in Arkansans' understanding of state government and its role in their daily lives. As 1935 dawned, few obvious signs existed that Arkansans' suspicion of a statewide police force would be overcome, especially considering the dire financial straits in which many of the state's residents found themselves. Arkansas had never been a rich state and the decline of cotton prices in the 192Os coupled with the advent of the Great Depression in 1929 led to economic and social disaster by the early 1930s. The outlook for impoverished Arkansans darkened even further in late 1934 when the Federal Emergency Relief Administration threatened to cut off all federal assistance to more than 400,000 people within the state unless the legislature committed $1.5 million in matching funds by March 1935.4 While resolving the state's financial crisis and locating matching funds were the most pressing issues facing the governor and the legislature as the fiftieth session of the General Assembly gathered in January 1935, another matter promised to generate a tremendous amount of statewide interest and debate: the attempt to repeal prohibition within the state. For Gov. J. M. Futrell, the issues of state finance, liquor, and the creation of a state police force were tightly intertwined. Legalizing the consumption, manufacturing, and transportation of alcohol had the potential to provide a tremendous inflow of new revenue through the levying of excise taxes, avoiding the political damage that a property tax increase could inflict. Yet Futrell clearly doubted the state had the means to adequately regulate such a system. He also recognized the current legal system's deficiencies in adequately and impartially enforcing state laws and argued that the best way to correct them was through the creation of a state police force. 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Legalizing the consumption, manufacturing, and transportation of alcohol had the potential to provide a tremendous inflow of new revenue through the levying of excise taxes, avoiding the political damage that a property tax increase could inflict. Yet Futrell clearly doubted the state had the means to adequately regulate such a system. He also recognized the current legal system's deficiencies in adequately and impartially enforcing state laws and argued that the best way to correct them was through the creation of a state police force. 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引用次数: 3

摘要

在二十世纪的头四十年里,美国建立州警察部队的努力面临着一些实际的和意识形态的障碍。事实证明,这一点在南方尤其正确,因为那里的州政府往往比北方的州政府更穷,因此负担不起这样一支部队的费用。反对建立州警察部队的一个更重要的因素是南方对地方控制的传统偏好。这种对地方主义的偏爱,或者如爱德华·艾尔斯更准确地描述的那样,“地方共和主义”,反对任何企图,无论多么高尚的思想,赋予一个外部实体对社区事务的权力阿肯色州长期以来对地方控制的渴望最清晰地体现在1874年的州宪法中,一位研究阿肯色州政治的学者将其描述为“专门设计来保护公民免受本州政府可能的压迫”。“对政府的普遍不信任,”黛安·布莱尔说,“几乎在1874年的文件的每一个部分都表达了出来。”例如,该文件严格限制了州长任命官员的权力,并允许他的否决被简单多数推翻,同时使立法机构成为一个兼职机构,拥有严格限制的征税权。由于宪法将州政府边缘化,权力和影响力落到了地方精英手中,他们对地方和州一级的民选官员有很大的控制权1935年1月,阿肯色州仍然是少数几个没有全国性执法机构的州之一,这一事实表明,阿肯色州人特别顽固地坚持地方共和主义。追溯建立州警察部队的多次努力,可以看出这种意识形态有多么根深蒂固,尽管这样一个机构,就像许多其他进步时代的机构一样,有可能为该州的居民提供许多好处。因此,州警察运动的最终成功代表了阿肯色州人对州政府及其在日常生活中的作用的理解的一个重要转折点,无论是象征性的还是实际的。随着1935年的到来,几乎没有明显的迹象表明阿肯色州人对全州警察部队的怀疑会被克服,特别是考虑到该州许多居民发现自己陷入了可怕的财政困境。阿肯色州从来就不是一个富裕的州,20世纪20年代棉花价格的下跌,加上1929年大萧条的到来,导致了20世纪30年代初的经济和社会灾难。1934年底,联邦紧急救济署威胁要切断对该州40多万人的所有联邦援助,除非立法机关在1935年3月之前承诺提供150万美元的配套资金。而随着第五十届大会的召开,解决该州的财政危机和找到配套资金是州长和立法机关面临的最紧迫的问题1935年1月,另一件事在全州范围内引起了极大的兴趣和争论:试图废除该州的禁酒令。对于州长J. M. Futrell来说,州财政、酒和建立州警察部队的问题是紧密交织在一起的。将酒精的消费、生产和运输合法化,有可能通过征收消费税带来巨大的新收入流入,避免财产税增加可能造成的政治损害。然而,Futrell显然怀疑国家是否有足够的手段来监管这样一个系统。他还认识到目前的法律体系在充分和公正地执行州法律方面存在缺陷,并认为纠正这些缺陷的最佳途径是建立州警察部队。他对一名支持者说:“有些治安官是值得信任的,有些则不然。…
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Localism and the Creation of a State Police in Arkansas
EFFORTS TO CREATE STATE POLICE FORCES in the United States during the first four decades of the twentieth century faced a number of practical and ideological obstacles. This proved especially true in the South where state governments tended to be poorer than their northern counterparts and thus less able to afford the cost of such a force. A more important factor working against the creation of state police forces was the South's traditional preference for local control. This preference for localism, or, as Edward Ayers more precisely described it, "localistic republicanism," opposed any attempts, no matter how noble minded, to invest an outside entity with authority over community affairs.1 The clearest expression of Arkansans' longstanding desire for local control can be seen in the 1874 state constitution, which has been described by one scholar of Arkansas politics as "specifically designed to protect citizens from possible oppression by their own state government." "Pervasive distrust of government," Diane Blair said, "is expressed in almost every section of the 1874 document."2 The document, for example, sharply limited the governor's power to appoint officials and allowed his vetoes to be overridden by a simple majority, while rendering the legislature a part-time institution with strictly limited taxing authority. With a constitution that marginalized state government, power and influence fell to local elites who wielded a significant amount of control over elected officials at the local and state levels.3 That Arkansans proved particularly stubborn in their adherence to localistic republicanism is suggested by the fact that Arkansas remained one of the few states without a statewide law enforcement agency in January 1935. Tracing the repeated efforts to create a state police force shows just how deep this ideology ran, even though such a body, like many other Progressive-era agencies, had the potential to provide numerous benefits for the state's residents. The ultimate success of the state police movement, therefore, represented a significant turning point, both symbolic and actual, in Arkansans' understanding of state government and its role in their daily lives. As 1935 dawned, few obvious signs existed that Arkansans' suspicion of a statewide police force would be overcome, especially considering the dire financial straits in which many of the state's residents found themselves. Arkansas had never been a rich state and the decline of cotton prices in the 192Os coupled with the advent of the Great Depression in 1929 led to economic and social disaster by the early 1930s. The outlook for impoverished Arkansans darkened even further in late 1934 when the Federal Emergency Relief Administration threatened to cut off all federal assistance to more than 400,000 people within the state unless the legislature committed $1.5 million in matching funds by March 1935.4 While resolving the state's financial crisis and locating matching funds were the most pressing issues facing the governor and the legislature as the fiftieth session of the General Assembly gathered in January 1935, another matter promised to generate a tremendous amount of statewide interest and debate: the attempt to repeal prohibition within the state. For Gov. J. M. Futrell, the issues of state finance, liquor, and the creation of a state police force were tightly intertwined. Legalizing the consumption, manufacturing, and transportation of alcohol had the potential to provide a tremendous inflow of new revenue through the levying of excise taxes, avoiding the political damage that a property tax increase could inflict. Yet Futrell clearly doubted the state had the means to adequately regulate such a system. He also recognized the current legal system's deficiencies in adequately and impartially enforcing state laws and argued that the best way to correct them was through the creation of a state police force. He told one supporter, "There are some sheriffs who are trustworthy-some of them are not. …
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The Cotton Plantation South since the Civil War “Dedicated People” Little Rock Central High School’s Teachers during the Integration Crisis of 1957–1958 Prosperity and Peril: Arkansas in the New South, 1880–1900 “Between the Hawk & Buzzard”:
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