Richard C. Butler和小石城学校董事会:保持“教育质量”的追求

Elizabeth Jacoway
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As actually implemented, the Blossom Plan became a minimal as well as a gradual program that was designed to preserve \"educational quality\" while it accommodated the demands of the new court directive.1 As one member of the Little Rock School Board recalled years later, \"We didn't set out to integrate the schools, we set out to continue education during the integration process, and we were much more interested in the education process than we were in integration.\"2 As Blossom explained in his memoir, \"Our purpose was to comply with the law in a manner that would be accepted locally, not to wreck the school system.\"3 The Little Rock chapter of the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP) had developed a growing distrust of Virgil Blossom in the year between the announcements of Brown I and Brown II. The superintendent had indicated in the fall of 1954 that integration would be complete, and that it would be carried out in a timely manner involving children at all grade levels. But after months of meetings with alarmed white parents, Blossom revised his plan in May 1955, calling for integration at Central High School only. He then proposed to extend desegregation down into the lower grades according to a vague, nonspecific timetable. Finally despairing of receiving fair treatment, the local branch of the NAACP eschewed the advice of its national organization and in February of 1956 filed suit in federal district court against the Little Rock School Board in a case styled Aaron v. Cooper. At that point, the superintendent engaged five attorneys to defend his plan. Richard C. Butler, one of the city's social and civic leaders and a great admirer of Virgil Blossom, acceded to the superintendent's urgent request that he join the legal \"brain trust.\" Over the next two years, Butler worked closely with Blossom in deciding how to respond to the growing opposition to desegregation in Little Rock.4 Joining longtime school board attorney Archie House, Butler and the others argued successfully before federal judge John Miller, a former United States senator from Arkansas, that their clients had made a \"prompt and reasonable start\" toward desegregation and that they should be allowed to proceed along the deliberate course they had charted. Although he ruled in the school board's favor, Judge Miller nonetheless retained jurisdiction in the case as well as setting a deadline of September 1957 for implementation of the Blossom Plan.5 As is well known, that September brought a crisis of major proportions to Little Rock. With soldiers in the hallways and segregationist mobs in the streets, all hope for an effective educational process fell by the wayside. The school year saw daily harassment of the nine black children inside Central High School as well as an escalating pattern of intimidation directed against school board members, school personnel, and students who attempted to support the desegregation effort. After several months of segregationist harassment and community upheaval, the Little Rock School Board in February 1958 yielded reluctantly to the blandishments of the city's business leadership, filing suit in federal district court requesting a \"breathing spell\" or a \"cooling-off period.\" Arguing before Judge Harry Lemley of Hope, Arkansas, school board attorneys made the case that the educational standards the district had set for itself could not be preserved in such an environment and that surely this was not what the Supreme Court had intended. …","PeriodicalId":51953,"journal":{"name":"ARKANSAS HISTORICAL QUARTERLY","volume":"65 1","pages":"23"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0000,"publicationDate":"2006-04-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.2307/40028069","citationCount":"2","resultStr":"{\"title\":\"Richard C. 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As actually implemented, the Blossom Plan became a minimal as well as a gradual program that was designed to preserve \\\"educational quality\\\" while it accommodated the demands of the new court directive.1 As one member of the Little Rock School Board recalled years later, \\\"We didn't set out to integrate the schools, we set out to continue education during the integration process, and we were much more interested in the education process than we were in integration.\\\"2 As Blossom explained in his memoir, \\\"Our purpose was to comply with the law in a manner that would be accepted locally, not to wreck the school system.\\\"3 The Little Rock chapter of the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP) had developed a growing distrust of Virgil Blossom in the year between the announcements of Brown I and Brown II. The superintendent had indicated in the fall of 1954 that integration would be complete, and that it would be carried out in a timely manner involving children at all grade levels. But after months of meetings with alarmed white parents, Blossom revised his plan in May 1955, calling for integration at Central High School only. He then proposed to extend desegregation down into the lower grades according to a vague, nonspecific timetable. Finally despairing of receiving fair treatment, the local branch of the NAACP eschewed the advice of its national organization and in February of 1956 filed suit in federal district court against the Little Rock School Board in a case styled Aaron v. Cooper. At that point, the superintendent engaged five attorneys to defend his plan. Richard C. Butler, one of the city's social and civic leaders and a great admirer of Virgil Blossom, acceded to the superintendent's urgent request that he join the legal \\\"brain trust.\\\" Over the next two years, Butler worked closely with Blossom in deciding how to respond to the growing opposition to desegregation in Little Rock.4 Joining longtime school board attorney Archie House, Butler and the others argued successfully before federal judge John Miller, a former United States senator from Arkansas, that their clients had made a \\\"prompt and reasonable start\\\" toward desegregation and that they should be allowed to proceed along the deliberate course they had charted. Although he ruled in the school board's favor, Judge Miller nonetheless retained jurisdiction in the case as well as setting a deadline of September 1957 for implementation of the Blossom Plan.5 As is well known, that September brought a crisis of major proportions to Little Rock. 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引用次数: 2

摘要

1954年5月,就在要求在公共教育中废除种族隔离的布朗案判决宣布几天后,小石城学校董事会公开宣布将遵守判决。一年后,在美国最高法院公布布朗二案执行指导方针的前一周,小石城学校负责人维吉尔·t·布洛森(Virgil T. Blossom)公布了他自愿提出的学校废除种族隔离阶段计划,呼吁从高中阶段开始逐步实现种族融合。在实际实施过程中,“开花计划”成为一个最小的、渐进的项目,旨在保持“教育质量”,同时适应新的法院指令的要求正如小石城学校董事会的一名成员多年后回忆的那样,“我们并没有开始整合学校,我们开始在整合过程中继续教育,我们对教育过程比对整合更感兴趣。”正如布洛森在他的回忆录中所解释的那样:“我们的目的是以当地可以接受的方式遵守法律,而不是破坏学校制度。”全国有色人种协进会(NAACP)小石城分会在布朗一案和布朗二案宣布之间的一年里,对维吉尔·布洛森的不信任与日俱增。校长曾在1954年秋表示,整合工作将完成,并将及时进行,涉及所有年级的儿童。但是,在与惊恐的白人家长会面了几个月之后,布罗森在1955年5月修改了他的计划,呼吁只在中央高中实行种族融合。然后,他提议根据一个模糊的、不具体的时间表,将废除种族隔离的范围扩大到较低的年级。最终,NAACP的地方分会对得到公平待遇感到绝望,因此不听从全国组织的建议,于1956年2月向联邦地区法院提起诉讼,控告小石城学校董事会,该案名为“亚伦诉库珀”。当时,校长聘请了五名律师为他的计划辩护。理查德·c·巴特勒(Richard C. Butler)是该市的社会和公民领袖之一,也是维吉尔·布洛森(Virgil Blossom)的忠实崇拜者,他同意了局长的紧急请求,加入了法律“智囊团”。在接下来的两年里,巴特勒和布洛森密切合作,决定如何应对小石城日益高涨的反对废除种族隔离的呼声。4巴特勒和其他律师加入了长期担任学校董事会律师的阿奇·豪斯的队伍,在联邦法官、前阿肯色州参议员约翰·米勒面前成功地进行了辩护,认为他们的委托人已经为废除种族隔离迈出了“迅速而合理的一步”,应该允许他们沿着自己精心规划的道路继续前进。尽管米勒法官做出了有利于学校董事会的裁决,但他仍然保留了对此案的管辖权,并规定了1957年9月为实施“开花计划”的最后期限。众所周知,那个9月给小石城带来了一场严重的危机。随着走廊上的士兵和街道上的种族隔离暴徒,所有有效教育过程的希望都落空了。这一学年,中央高中的9名黑人学生每天都受到骚扰,对学校董事会成员、学校工作人员和试图支持废除种族隔离努力的学生的恐吓也在不断升级。经过几个月种族隔离主义者的骚扰和社区动荡,1958年2月,小石城学校董事会不情愿地屈服于城市商业领导的奉承,向联邦地区法院提起诉讼,要求给予“喘息期”或“冷静期”。在阿肯色州霍普市(Hope)的哈里·莱姆利(Harry Lemley)法官面前,学校董事会的律师辩称,该学区为自己设定的教育标准在这样的环境下无法维持,而且这肯定不是最高法院的本意。…
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Richard C. Butler and the Little Rock School Board: The Quest to Maintain "Educational Quality"
IN MAY 1954, just a few days after the announcement of the Brown decision demanding the abolition of segregation in public education, the Little Rock School Board publicly declared its intention to comply. One year later, a week before the U.S. Supreme Court handed down its guidelines for enforcement in Brown II, Little Rock school superintendent Virgil T. Blossom unveiled his voluntary Phase Program for school desegregation, calling for a gradual approach to integration beginning at the high school level. As actually implemented, the Blossom Plan became a minimal as well as a gradual program that was designed to preserve "educational quality" while it accommodated the demands of the new court directive.1 As one member of the Little Rock School Board recalled years later, "We didn't set out to integrate the schools, we set out to continue education during the integration process, and we were much more interested in the education process than we were in integration."2 As Blossom explained in his memoir, "Our purpose was to comply with the law in a manner that would be accepted locally, not to wreck the school system."3 The Little Rock chapter of the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP) had developed a growing distrust of Virgil Blossom in the year between the announcements of Brown I and Brown II. The superintendent had indicated in the fall of 1954 that integration would be complete, and that it would be carried out in a timely manner involving children at all grade levels. But after months of meetings with alarmed white parents, Blossom revised his plan in May 1955, calling for integration at Central High School only. He then proposed to extend desegregation down into the lower grades according to a vague, nonspecific timetable. Finally despairing of receiving fair treatment, the local branch of the NAACP eschewed the advice of its national organization and in February of 1956 filed suit in federal district court against the Little Rock School Board in a case styled Aaron v. Cooper. At that point, the superintendent engaged five attorneys to defend his plan. Richard C. Butler, one of the city's social and civic leaders and a great admirer of Virgil Blossom, acceded to the superintendent's urgent request that he join the legal "brain trust." Over the next two years, Butler worked closely with Blossom in deciding how to respond to the growing opposition to desegregation in Little Rock.4 Joining longtime school board attorney Archie House, Butler and the others argued successfully before federal judge John Miller, a former United States senator from Arkansas, that their clients had made a "prompt and reasonable start" toward desegregation and that they should be allowed to proceed along the deliberate course they had charted. Although he ruled in the school board's favor, Judge Miller nonetheless retained jurisdiction in the case as well as setting a deadline of September 1957 for implementation of the Blossom Plan.5 As is well known, that September brought a crisis of major proportions to Little Rock. With soldiers in the hallways and segregationist mobs in the streets, all hope for an effective educational process fell by the wayside. The school year saw daily harassment of the nine black children inside Central High School as well as an escalating pattern of intimidation directed against school board members, school personnel, and students who attempted to support the desegregation effort. After several months of segregationist harassment and community upheaval, the Little Rock School Board in February 1958 yielded reluctantly to the blandishments of the city's business leadership, filing suit in federal district court requesting a "breathing spell" or a "cooling-off period." Arguing before Judge Harry Lemley of Hope, Arkansas, school board attorneys made the case that the educational standards the district had set for itself could not be preserved in such an environment and that surely this was not what the Supreme Court had intended. …
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The Cotton Plantation South since the Civil War “Dedicated People” Little Rock Central High School’s Teachers during the Integration Crisis of 1957–1958 Prosperity and Peril: Arkansas in the New South, 1880–1900 “Between the Hawk & Buzzard”:
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