为基督卖命:J.S.伍德沃斯的政治思想

IF 0.7 4区 社会学 0 HUMANITIES, MULTIDISCIPLINARY JOURNAL OF CANADIAN STUDIES-REVUE D ETUDES CANADIENNES Pub Date : 1992-06-01 DOI:10.2307/25143580
A. Mills
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Long years in opposition meant that for many the expression of criticism and negative sentiments were the mainstays of political dialogue. \"A party which is habitually in opposition becomes absorbed entirely in the strategy and tactics of criticism,\" wrote Perlin. \"It tends to approach all debate with an attacking, destructive style.\"(f.1)Perlin's perceptions of the PCs provide a useful guide for those seeking insight into the party's history. Back - to - back electoral victories in the 1980s have dramatically changed party behaviour and orientation. The transition from a party of habitual opposition to one able to broker a successful electoral coalition is a fascinating evolution. Equally fascinating is the parallel debate being played out in the ranks of the federal and provincial NDP over the differences between principled socialist opposition and cautious, fiscally responsible government. A guide to the historical context for this parallel debate can be gathered from the assorted works surveyed here. The current tensions between long - held points of social and economic criticism, and the proclaimed demands of government, have deep roots.NDP premiers, such as Ontario's Bob Rae, are finding themselves questioned by federal compatriots about their loyalty to traditional party sentiments relating to economic and budgetary matters. In return, Rae and his provincial counter - parts maintain that responsible leadership involves consideration for constraints such as debt loads and credit ratings. Rae, in fact, has adapted the notion of an opposition mentality to his fellow Ontario New Democrats. The following passage from his speech of Nov. 29, 1992 to the Ontario New Democratic Party Provincial Council might have been employed by Perlin with regard to the Conservatives in opposition:The culture of the Party for many years was that of a Party in Opposition. I think it is fair to say that the Party in Opposition did not spend a whole lot of time talking about how to do things. I think it is fair to say that the Party in Opposition spent a great deal of time talking about what, in an ideal world, we would like to do.This language of Opposition which is almost internal to our - selves in terms of the dialogue which goes on within us is one which really has to change to a language which deals very directly with what we can do and how we must do it well.(f.2)Rae's portrait of the New Democratic Party tradition stands in stark contrast to what is normally presented. More common is the image of visionaries seeking a more just world order in the face of voter uncertainty, corporate opposition, and the poaching of their platforms by vote - seeking brokerage parties. Dedication to a cause and a set of principles were praised as fundamental virtues. 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引用次数: 20

摘要

在进步保守党在1984年联邦选举中获胜之前的几年里,女王大学的乔治·佩林(George Perlin)写了一本书,书中提出了一个具有挑衅性的论点,即保守党患上了一种失败政党特有的“综合症”。在几十年的选举逆转中形成了一种弊病。逆境孕育了一个制度化的反对党。党员队伍中充斥着那些感觉永远处于局外人的人。长期处于反对派地位意味着,对许多人来说,表达批评和负面情绪是政治对话的支柱。“一个习惯于反对的政党会完全被批评的战略和战术所吸引,”柏林写道。“它倾向于用一种攻击的、破坏性的风格来处理所有的辩论。”(f.1)佩林对民主党的看法为那些寻求深入了解该党历史的人提供了有用的指导。20世纪80年代连续的选举胜利极大地改变了政党的行为和取向。从一个惯于反对的政党转变为一个能够成功促成选举联盟的政党,这是一个引人入胜的演变。同样引人入胜的是,在联邦和省级新民主党内部,围绕原则性的社会主义反对派与谨慎、财政负责的政府之间的区别展开了类似的辩论。从这里调查的各种作品中,我们可以了解到这场平行辩论的历史背景。目前,长期以来社会和经济批评与政府宣称的要求之间的紧张关系有着深刻的根源。安大略省的鲍勃•雷(Bob Rae)等新民主党省长发现,他们在经济和预算问题上是否忠于传统的党派观点,受到了联邦同胞的质疑。作为回报,Rae和他的省级同行坚持认为,负责任的领导需要考虑债务负担和信用评级等制约因素。事实上,Rae已经适应了他的安大略省新民主党同僚的反对心态的概念。1992年11月29日,他在安大略新民主党省议会上的演讲中有一段话可能被柏林用来形容反对党保守党:多年来,该党的文化是反对党的文化。我认为公平地说,反对党并没有花很多时间讨论如何做事情。我认为,公平地说,反对党花了大量时间讨论,在一个理想的世界里,我们想做什么。就我们内心的对话而言,这种反对派的语言几乎是我们自己的内在语言,这种语言真的必须转变为一种非常直接地处理我们能做什么以及我们必须如何做好的语言。(f.2)Rae对新民主党传统的描述与通常呈现的形成鲜明对比。更常见的是,面对选民的不确定性、企业的反对,以及寻求选票的经纪政党对他们的平台的挖坑,梦想家寻求更公正的世界秩序的形象。献身事业和坚持原则被誉为基本美德。在这种自我概念中,党员对那些声称政府需要和财政限制的人持怀疑态度,这是可以理解的。就像进步保守党的情况一样,反对现行条件和权力平衡的感觉由来已久。回顾中华红十字会成立之初,人们会看到一些人为了赢得象征性的胜利和公众的觉醒而做出牺牲。早期改革者挑战既定秩序的故事在党的史册中占据突出地位。带着对社会秩序的广泛批判,中华慈善会的活动人士希望能有长期的、根本性的改变。…
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Fool for Christ : the political thought of J.S. Woodsworth
In the years before the Progressive Conservative victory in the federal election of 1984, George Perlin of Queen's University authored a book with the provocative thesis that the Conservative Party suffered from a "syndrome" peculiar to losing political parties. A malady had developed over the decades of electoral reversals. Adversity had bred an institutionalized party of opposition. Party ranks had become populated by those feeling perpetually on the outside. Long years in opposition meant that for many the expression of criticism and negative sentiments were the mainstays of political dialogue. "A party which is habitually in opposition becomes absorbed entirely in the strategy and tactics of criticism," wrote Perlin. "It tends to approach all debate with an attacking, destructive style."(f.1)Perlin's perceptions of the PCs provide a useful guide for those seeking insight into the party's history. Back - to - back electoral victories in the 1980s have dramatically changed party behaviour and orientation. The transition from a party of habitual opposition to one able to broker a successful electoral coalition is a fascinating evolution. Equally fascinating is the parallel debate being played out in the ranks of the federal and provincial NDP over the differences between principled socialist opposition and cautious, fiscally responsible government. A guide to the historical context for this parallel debate can be gathered from the assorted works surveyed here. The current tensions between long - held points of social and economic criticism, and the proclaimed demands of government, have deep roots.NDP premiers, such as Ontario's Bob Rae, are finding themselves questioned by federal compatriots about their loyalty to traditional party sentiments relating to economic and budgetary matters. In return, Rae and his provincial counter - parts maintain that responsible leadership involves consideration for constraints such as debt loads and credit ratings. Rae, in fact, has adapted the notion of an opposition mentality to his fellow Ontario New Democrats. The following passage from his speech of Nov. 29, 1992 to the Ontario New Democratic Party Provincial Council might have been employed by Perlin with regard to the Conservatives in opposition:The culture of the Party for many years was that of a Party in Opposition. I think it is fair to say that the Party in Opposition did not spend a whole lot of time talking about how to do things. I think it is fair to say that the Party in Opposition spent a great deal of time talking about what, in an ideal world, we would like to do.This language of Opposition which is almost internal to our - selves in terms of the dialogue which goes on within us is one which really has to change to a language which deals very directly with what we can do and how we must do it well.(f.2)Rae's portrait of the New Democratic Party tradition stands in stark contrast to what is normally presented. More common is the image of visionaries seeking a more just world order in the face of voter uncertainty, corporate opposition, and the poaching of their platforms by vote - seeking brokerage parties. Dedication to a cause and a set of principles were praised as fundamental virtues. Within this self - conception party members were under - standably sceptical about those who asserted the language of governmental necessities and financial limitations.As was the case for the Progressive Conservatives, the sense of being opposed to prevailing conditions and power balances has a long history. Going back to the early days of the CCF, one finds remembrances of individuals sacrificing in hopes of winning symbolic victories and public awakening. Tales of early reformers taking on the established order figure prominently in party annals. Armed with an extensive critique of the social order, CCF activists worked in hopes of long - term, fundamental change. …
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