约束民主:非洲的发展话语和善治

IF 0.3 4区 历史学 Q2 HISTORY INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF AFRICAN HISTORICAL STUDIES Pub Date : 2004-09-01 DOI:10.2307/4129062
J. Igoe, R. Abrahamsen
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In the days following the 9/11 attacks George W. Bush told Americans that the most patriotic thing they could do would be to go shopping. America's current occupation of Iraq is also justified in terms of replacing terrorism with free elections and free enterprise. This conflation of democracy and free market capitalism lies at the center of Rita Abrahamsen's Disciplining Democracy. While written prior to the tragic events of September 11, 2001, the book continues to hold relevance for politics in Africa and on a global scale. Following in the footsteps of Escobar, Ferguson, and Sachs, Abrahamsen argues that the language of democracy and capitalism is used to construct a discursive other-a \"Third World\" that is defined more by what it is not than by what it is. The absence of traits like \"democratic culture\" and \"entrepreneurial spirit\" in this constructed Other in turn suggests certain types of interventions. 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In fact, Discipline and Punish represents a radical break with this position, since it is the first work in which Foucault suggests that that the role of discourse in shaping reality is only \"intelligible as part of a larger set of organized and organizing practices,\" to which he referred as biopower or disciplining techniques.3 While these techniques are clearly at work in the bureaucracies in which African politicians operate, they are far less pervasive in Africa than they are in the Global North. Furthermore, it is impossible to determine exactly how they are operating without detailed ethnographic investigation. Without such investigation it is impossible to say, for instance, whether African politicians have actually internalized the discourses of free market capitalism or if they are merely mouthing them to make Western donors happy. 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引用次数: 8

摘要

约束民主:非洲的发展话语和善治。丽塔·亚伯拉罕森著。伦敦:Zed Books, 2000。第15页,第168页。布65.00美元,纸22.50美元。自苏联解体以来,全球政治的性质发生了巨大变化。1989年世界已经到达“历史的终结”的乐观论调,在9/11后的世界里听起来有些空洞当共产主义作为一股地缘政治力量几乎消失时,恐怖主义取代了它,成为西方自由民主的全球对立面。西方政客描述恐怖分子的措辞与冷战最激烈时期描述共产主义者的措辞没有什么不同。据说,和共产主义者一样,恐怖分子对自由和民主怀有持久的仇恨。他们也憎恨自由企业,这从他们据称计划袭击纽约证券交易所和世界银行就可以看出。在9/11恐怖袭击后的几天里,乔治·w·布什告诉美国人,他们能做的最爱国的事情就是去购物。从用自由选举和自由企业取代恐怖主义来看,美国目前对伊拉克的占领也是合理的。这种民主和自由市场资本主义的结合是丽塔·亚伯拉罕森《纪律民主》一书的核心。虽然写于2001年9月11日的悲惨事件之前,这本书仍然对非洲和全球范围内的政治具有重要意义。跟随埃斯科瓦尔、弗格森和萨克斯的脚步,亚伯拉罕森认为,民主和资本主义的语言被用来构建一个话语性的他者——一个“第三世界”,更多的是由它不是什么而不是它是什么来定义的。在这个建构的他者中缺乏“民主文化”和“企业家精神”等特征,反过来又暗示了某些类型的干预。值得注意的是,这些干预措施扩大了国家和国际金融机构对其表面受益者的控制,同时掩盖了其本质上的政治特征。它们还掩盖了不平等,同时把复杂的政治问题定义为简单的技术问题这个经常被重复的福柯式论点,多少削弱了亚伯拉罕森这本书的核心力量。那些熟悉福柯对发展的批判的人会对其大部分细节熟记于心,而那些不熟悉它的人不太可能被说服,甚至不可能读一本名为《纪律民主》的书。当然,亚伯拉罕森的标题是为了引用福柯广为人知(但很少有人读到)的《纪律与惩罚》。在这方面,这有点误导,因为她严重依赖于话语塑造现实的观点。事实上,《纪律与惩罚》代表了与这一立场的彻底决裂,因为这是福柯第一次提出,话语在塑造现实中的作用只能“作为更大的有组织和有组织的实践的一部分而可理解”,他将其称为生物权力或纪律技术虽然这些技巧显然在非洲政客运作的官僚机构中发挥了作用,但它们在非洲的普及程度远不如在全球北方。此外,如果没有详细的人种学调查,就不可能确切地确定他们是如何运作的。如果没有这样的调查,就不可能说,例如,非洲政治家是否真的把自由市场资本主义的话语内化了,或者他们只是嘴上说说,让西方捐助者高兴。要理解非洲民主的动态,首先要对权力在不同规模和不同背景下的运作方式进行细致的分析——在这些背景下,纪律手段在发挥作用,而在这些背景下,武力和胁迫更为普遍。…
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Disciplining Democracy: Development Discourses and Good Governance in Africa
Disciplining Democracy: Development Discourses and Good Governance in Africa. By Rita Abrahamsen. London: Zed Books, 2000. Pp. xv, 168. $65.00 cloth, $22.50 paper. The nature of global politics has changed tremendously since the Soviet collapse. Optimistic pronouncements that world had reached the "end of history" in 1989 ring hollow in a post-9/11 world.1 While communism has all but disappeared as a geopolitical force, terrorism has replaced it as the global antithesis of Western liberal democracy. Western politicians describe terrorists in terms not unlike those used to describe communists at the height of the Cold War. Like communists, terrorists are said to harbor an abiding hatred for freedom and democracy. They also hate free enterprise, as suggested by their alleged plans to attack the New York Stock Exchange and the World Bank. In the days following the 9/11 attacks George W. Bush told Americans that the most patriotic thing they could do would be to go shopping. America's current occupation of Iraq is also justified in terms of replacing terrorism with free elections and free enterprise. This conflation of democracy and free market capitalism lies at the center of Rita Abrahamsen's Disciplining Democracy. While written prior to the tragic events of September 11, 2001, the book continues to hold relevance for politics in Africa and on a global scale. Following in the footsteps of Escobar, Ferguson, and Sachs, Abrahamsen argues that the language of democracy and capitalism is used to construct a discursive other-a "Third World" that is defined more by what it is not than by what it is. The absence of traits like "democratic culture" and "entrepreneurial spirit" in this constructed Other in turn suggests certain types of interventions. Significantly, these interventions serve to extend the control of states and international financial institutions over their ostensible beneficiaries, while concealing their own essentially political character. They also mask inequalities, while defining complex political problems as simple technical ones.2 This oft-repeated Foucauldian argument detracts somewhat from the central strengths of Abrahamsen's book. Those familiar with Foucauldian critiques of development will know most of its details by heart, while those not familiar with it are unlikely to be convinced-or even to read a book titled Disciplining Democracy, for that matter. Of course Abrahamsen's title is meant to invoke Foucault's widely known (but less often read) Discipline and Punish. In this respect it is a bit misleading, since she leans heavily on the idea that discourses shape reality. In fact, Discipline and Punish represents a radical break with this position, since it is the first work in which Foucault suggests that that the role of discourse in shaping reality is only "intelligible as part of a larger set of organized and organizing practices," to which he referred as biopower or disciplining techniques.3 While these techniques are clearly at work in the bureaucracies in which African politicians operate, they are far less pervasive in Africa than they are in the Global North. Furthermore, it is impossible to determine exactly how they are operating without detailed ethnographic investigation. Without such investigation it is impossible to say, for instance, whether African politicians have actually internalized the discourses of free market capitalism or if they are merely mouthing them to make Western donors happy. Understanding the dynamics of African democracy begins with a nuanced analysis of how power operates at different scales and in different contexts-contexts in which disciplining techniques are operating and contexts in which force and coercion are much more prevalent. …
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期刊介绍: The International Journal of African Historical Studies (IJAHS) is devoted to the study of the African past. Norman Bennett was the founder and guiding force behind the journal’s growth from its first incarnation at Boston University as African Historical Studies in 1968. He remained its editor for more than thirty years. The title was expanded to the International Journal of African Historical Studies in 1972, when Africana Publishers Holmes and Meier took over publication and distribution for the next decade. Beginning in 1982, the African Studies Center once again assumed full responsibility for production and distribution. Jean Hay served as the journal’s production editor from 1979 to 1995, and editor from 1998 to her retirement in 2005. Michael DiBlasi is the current editor, and James McCann and Diana Wylie are associate editors of the journal. Members of the editorial board include: Emmanuel Akyeampong, Peter Alegi, Misty Bastian, Sara Berry, Barbara Cooper, Marc Epprecht, Lidwien Kapteijns, Meredith McKittrick, Pashington Obang, David Schoenbrun, Heather Sharkey, Ann B. Stahl, John Thornton, and Rudolph Ware III. The journal publishes three issues each year (April, August, and December). Articles, notes, and documents submitted to the journal should be based on original research and framed in terms of historical analysis. Contributions in archaeology, history, anthropology, historical ecology, political science, political ecology, and economic history are welcome. Articles that highlight European administrators, settlers, or colonial policies should be submitted elsewhere, unless they deal substantially with interactions with (or the affects on) African societies.
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