{"title":"约束民主:非洲的发展话语和善治","authors":"J. Igoe, R. Abrahamsen","doi":"10.2307/4129062","DOIUrl":null,"url":null,"abstract":"Disciplining Democracy: Development Discourses and Good Governance in Africa. By Rita Abrahamsen. London: Zed Books, 2000. Pp. xv, 168. $65.00 cloth, $22.50 paper. The nature of global politics has changed tremendously since the Soviet collapse. Optimistic pronouncements that world had reached the \"end of history\" in 1989 ring hollow in a post-9/11 world.1 While communism has all but disappeared as a geopolitical force, terrorism has replaced it as the global antithesis of Western liberal democracy. Western politicians describe terrorists in terms not unlike those used to describe communists at the height of the Cold War. Like communists, terrorists are said to harbor an abiding hatred for freedom and democracy. They also hate free enterprise, as suggested by their alleged plans to attack the New York Stock Exchange and the World Bank. In the days following the 9/11 attacks George W. Bush told Americans that the most patriotic thing they could do would be to go shopping. America's current occupation of Iraq is also justified in terms of replacing terrorism with free elections and free enterprise. This conflation of democracy and free market capitalism lies at the center of Rita Abrahamsen's Disciplining Democracy. While written prior to the tragic events of September 11, 2001, the book continues to hold relevance for politics in Africa and on a global scale. Following in the footsteps of Escobar, Ferguson, and Sachs, Abrahamsen argues that the language of democracy and capitalism is used to construct a discursive other-a \"Third World\" that is defined more by what it is not than by what it is. The absence of traits like \"democratic culture\" and \"entrepreneurial spirit\" in this constructed Other in turn suggests certain types of interventions. Significantly, these interventions serve to extend the control of states and international financial institutions over their ostensible beneficiaries, while concealing their own essentially political character. They also mask inequalities, while defining complex political problems as simple technical ones.2 This oft-repeated Foucauldian argument detracts somewhat from the central strengths of Abrahamsen's book. Those familiar with Foucauldian critiques of development will know most of its details by heart, while those not familiar with it are unlikely to be convinced-or even to read a book titled Disciplining Democracy, for that matter. Of course Abrahamsen's title is meant to invoke Foucault's widely known (but less often read) Discipline and Punish. In this respect it is a bit misleading, since she leans heavily on the idea that discourses shape reality. In fact, Discipline and Punish represents a radical break with this position, since it is the first work in which Foucault suggests that that the role of discourse in shaping reality is only \"intelligible as part of a larger set of organized and organizing practices,\" to which he referred as biopower or disciplining techniques.3 While these techniques are clearly at work in the bureaucracies in which African politicians operate, they are far less pervasive in Africa than they are in the Global North. Furthermore, it is impossible to determine exactly how they are operating without detailed ethnographic investigation. Without such investigation it is impossible to say, for instance, whether African politicians have actually internalized the discourses of free market capitalism or if they are merely mouthing them to make Western donors happy. Understanding the dynamics of African democracy begins with a nuanced analysis of how power operates at different scales and in different contexts-contexts in which disciplining techniques are operating and contexts in which force and coercion are much more prevalent. …","PeriodicalId":45676,"journal":{"name":"INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF AFRICAN HISTORICAL STUDIES","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.3000,"publicationDate":"2004-09-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.2307/4129062","citationCount":"8","resultStr":"{\"title\":\"Disciplining Democracy: Development Discourses and Good Governance in Africa\",\"authors\":\"J. Igoe, R. Abrahamsen\",\"doi\":\"10.2307/4129062\",\"DOIUrl\":null,\"url\":null,\"abstract\":\"Disciplining Democracy: Development Discourses and Good Governance in Africa. By Rita Abrahamsen. London: Zed Books, 2000. Pp. xv, 168. $65.00 cloth, $22.50 paper. The nature of global politics has changed tremendously since the Soviet collapse. Optimistic pronouncements that world had reached the \\\"end of history\\\" in 1989 ring hollow in a post-9/11 world.1 While communism has all but disappeared as a geopolitical force, terrorism has replaced it as the global antithesis of Western liberal democracy. Western politicians describe terrorists in terms not unlike those used to describe communists at the height of the Cold War. Like communists, terrorists are said to harbor an abiding hatred for freedom and democracy. They also hate free enterprise, as suggested by their alleged plans to attack the New York Stock Exchange and the World Bank. In the days following the 9/11 attacks George W. Bush told Americans that the most patriotic thing they could do would be to go shopping. America's current occupation of Iraq is also justified in terms of replacing terrorism with free elections and free enterprise. This conflation of democracy and free market capitalism lies at the center of Rita Abrahamsen's Disciplining Democracy. While written prior to the tragic events of September 11, 2001, the book continues to hold relevance for politics in Africa and on a global scale. Following in the footsteps of Escobar, Ferguson, and Sachs, Abrahamsen argues that the language of democracy and capitalism is used to construct a discursive other-a \\\"Third World\\\" that is defined more by what it is not than by what it is. The absence of traits like \\\"democratic culture\\\" and \\\"entrepreneurial spirit\\\" in this constructed Other in turn suggests certain types of interventions. Significantly, these interventions serve to extend the control of states and international financial institutions over their ostensible beneficiaries, while concealing their own essentially political character. They also mask inequalities, while defining complex political problems as simple technical ones.2 This oft-repeated Foucauldian argument detracts somewhat from the central strengths of Abrahamsen's book. Those familiar with Foucauldian critiques of development will know most of its details by heart, while those not familiar with it are unlikely to be convinced-or even to read a book titled Disciplining Democracy, for that matter. Of course Abrahamsen's title is meant to invoke Foucault's widely known (but less often read) Discipline and Punish. In this respect it is a bit misleading, since she leans heavily on the idea that discourses shape reality. In fact, Discipline and Punish represents a radical break with this position, since it is the first work in which Foucault suggests that that the role of discourse in shaping reality is only \\\"intelligible as part of a larger set of organized and organizing practices,\\\" to which he referred as biopower or disciplining techniques.3 While these techniques are clearly at work in the bureaucracies in which African politicians operate, they are far less pervasive in Africa than they are in the Global North. Furthermore, it is impossible to determine exactly how they are operating without detailed ethnographic investigation. Without such investigation it is impossible to say, for instance, whether African politicians have actually internalized the discourses of free market capitalism or if they are merely mouthing them to make Western donors happy. Understanding the dynamics of African democracy begins with a nuanced analysis of how power operates at different scales and in different contexts-contexts in which disciplining techniques are operating and contexts in which force and coercion are much more prevalent. …\",\"PeriodicalId\":45676,\"journal\":{\"name\":\"INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF AFRICAN HISTORICAL STUDIES\",\"volume\":null,\"pages\":null},\"PeriodicalIF\":0.3000,\"publicationDate\":\"2004-09-01\",\"publicationTypes\":\"Journal Article\",\"fieldsOfStudy\":null,\"isOpenAccess\":false,\"openAccessPdf\":\"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.2307/4129062\",\"citationCount\":\"8\",\"resultStr\":null,\"platform\":\"Semanticscholar\",\"paperid\":null,\"PeriodicalName\":\"INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF AFRICAN HISTORICAL STUDIES\",\"FirstCategoryId\":\"1085\",\"ListUrlMain\":\"https://doi.org/10.2307/4129062\",\"RegionNum\":4,\"RegionCategory\":\"历史学\",\"ArticlePicture\":[],\"TitleCN\":null,\"AbstractTextCN\":null,\"PMCID\":null,\"EPubDate\":\"\",\"PubModel\":\"\",\"JCR\":\"Q2\",\"JCRName\":\"HISTORY\",\"Score\":null,\"Total\":0}","platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":null,"PeriodicalName":"INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF AFRICAN HISTORICAL STUDIES","FirstCategoryId":"1085","ListUrlMain":"https://doi.org/10.2307/4129062","RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":null,"EPubDate":"","PubModel":"","JCR":"Q2","JCRName":"HISTORY","Score":null,"Total":0}
Disciplining Democracy: Development Discourses and Good Governance in Africa
Disciplining Democracy: Development Discourses and Good Governance in Africa. By Rita Abrahamsen. London: Zed Books, 2000. Pp. xv, 168. $65.00 cloth, $22.50 paper. The nature of global politics has changed tremendously since the Soviet collapse. Optimistic pronouncements that world had reached the "end of history" in 1989 ring hollow in a post-9/11 world.1 While communism has all but disappeared as a geopolitical force, terrorism has replaced it as the global antithesis of Western liberal democracy. Western politicians describe terrorists in terms not unlike those used to describe communists at the height of the Cold War. Like communists, terrorists are said to harbor an abiding hatred for freedom and democracy. They also hate free enterprise, as suggested by their alleged plans to attack the New York Stock Exchange and the World Bank. In the days following the 9/11 attacks George W. Bush told Americans that the most patriotic thing they could do would be to go shopping. America's current occupation of Iraq is also justified in terms of replacing terrorism with free elections and free enterprise. This conflation of democracy and free market capitalism lies at the center of Rita Abrahamsen's Disciplining Democracy. While written prior to the tragic events of September 11, 2001, the book continues to hold relevance for politics in Africa and on a global scale. Following in the footsteps of Escobar, Ferguson, and Sachs, Abrahamsen argues that the language of democracy and capitalism is used to construct a discursive other-a "Third World" that is defined more by what it is not than by what it is. The absence of traits like "democratic culture" and "entrepreneurial spirit" in this constructed Other in turn suggests certain types of interventions. Significantly, these interventions serve to extend the control of states and international financial institutions over their ostensible beneficiaries, while concealing their own essentially political character. They also mask inequalities, while defining complex political problems as simple technical ones.2 This oft-repeated Foucauldian argument detracts somewhat from the central strengths of Abrahamsen's book. Those familiar with Foucauldian critiques of development will know most of its details by heart, while those not familiar with it are unlikely to be convinced-or even to read a book titled Disciplining Democracy, for that matter. Of course Abrahamsen's title is meant to invoke Foucault's widely known (but less often read) Discipline and Punish. In this respect it is a bit misleading, since she leans heavily on the idea that discourses shape reality. In fact, Discipline and Punish represents a radical break with this position, since it is the first work in which Foucault suggests that that the role of discourse in shaping reality is only "intelligible as part of a larger set of organized and organizing practices," to which he referred as biopower or disciplining techniques.3 While these techniques are clearly at work in the bureaucracies in which African politicians operate, they are far less pervasive in Africa than they are in the Global North. Furthermore, it is impossible to determine exactly how they are operating without detailed ethnographic investigation. Without such investigation it is impossible to say, for instance, whether African politicians have actually internalized the discourses of free market capitalism or if they are merely mouthing them to make Western donors happy. Understanding the dynamics of African democracy begins with a nuanced analysis of how power operates at different scales and in different contexts-contexts in which disciplining techniques are operating and contexts in which force and coercion are much more prevalent. …
期刊介绍:
The International Journal of African Historical Studies (IJAHS) is devoted to the study of the African past. Norman Bennett was the founder and guiding force behind the journal’s growth from its first incarnation at Boston University as African Historical Studies in 1968. He remained its editor for more than thirty years. The title was expanded to the International Journal of African Historical Studies in 1972, when Africana Publishers Holmes and Meier took over publication and distribution for the next decade. Beginning in 1982, the African Studies Center once again assumed full responsibility for production and distribution. Jean Hay served as the journal’s production editor from 1979 to 1995, and editor from 1998 to her retirement in 2005. Michael DiBlasi is the current editor, and James McCann and Diana Wylie are associate editors of the journal. Members of the editorial board include: Emmanuel Akyeampong, Peter Alegi, Misty Bastian, Sara Berry, Barbara Cooper, Marc Epprecht, Lidwien Kapteijns, Meredith McKittrick, Pashington Obang, David Schoenbrun, Heather Sharkey, Ann B. Stahl, John Thornton, and Rudolph Ware III. The journal publishes three issues each year (April, August, and December). Articles, notes, and documents submitted to the journal should be based on original research and framed in terms of historical analysis. Contributions in archaeology, history, anthropology, historical ecology, political science, political ecology, and economic history are welcome. Articles that highlight European administrators, settlers, or colonial policies should be submitted elsewhere, unless they deal substantially with interactions with (or the affects on) African societies.