1964年的《民权法案》和小石城公共游泳池的废除种族隔离

J. A. Kirk
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These included any facility that was \"owned, operated, or managed by or on behalf of any state or subdivision thereof,\" as well as commercial concerns.1 U.S. Supreme Court rulings that followed in cases such as Heart of Atlanta Motel v. United States and Katzenbach v. McClung upheld the Civil Rights Act's contention that the U.S. Constitution's commerce clause gave Congress power to forbid racial discrimination even in privately run businesses.2Unlike the Supreme Court's Brown v. Board of Education ruling ten years earlier, the 1964 Civil Rights Act did not meet with a campaign of massive resistance to its implementation.3 Reflecting the impact of the civil rights movement in changing attitudes toward Jim Crow, many not yet desegregated facilities quickly moved to comply with the new law. That still leftcivil rights activists with the task of testing whether other facilities and businesses that claimed to have desegregated would actually admit and serve African-American customers, as well as the task of exerting direct pressure on those that continued to refuse to do so. Without African Americans actually turning up to use those facilities, there was no way of knowing if they had desegregated or not. This would be a painstaking endeavor, since it meant coordinating attempts of volunteers to use every single public facility or business in every single community across the South.4Most revealing about the response to the 1964 Civil Rights Act was the pattern of compliance and non-compliance that developed. There were few cast-iron certainties about how any given community would react to the desegregation of one set of facilities as opposed to another. In fact, it was the wide variety and range of responses that was often striking. Nevertheless, there were some broadly discernable tendencies. Firstly, it often proved easier to desegregate both publicly funded facilities and private businesses in Upper South states than in Lower South states, where attitudes toward segregation were more entrenched. Secondly, it often proved easier to desegregate facilities in urban areas than in rural areas. In rural areas, sentiment against change appeared to be more inflexible, local officials and businesses were more isolated and therefore more susceptible to community pressure to resist change, and African-American populations were smaller and had fewer resources to challenge the status quo. By contrast, urban areas generally offered a wider range of opinions among whites, including more support for desegregation; they offered protection in numbers for officials and businesses; and they harbored a larger African- American community with more resources and support structures in place to challenge segregation. 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摘要

五十年前,1964年7月2日,林登·约翰逊总统签署了20世纪具有里程碑意义的民权法案之一。1964年的《民权法案》覆盖面很广,解决了教育、投票权和劳资关系方面的歧视问题。然而,它最直接的影响是废除了“公共设施”中的种族隔离。在法院逐步拆除某些隔离设施以及民权活动人士在10年前愈演愈烈的社区运动之后,1964年的《民权法案》(civil rights Act)最终宣布所有公共场所的种族隔离为非法。这些包括任何“由任何州或其分支机构拥有、运营或管理”的设施,以及商业关注随后,美国最高法院在“亚特兰大汽车旅馆之心诉美国”和“卡岑巴赫诉麦克朗”等案件中作出裁决,支持《民权法案》的论点,即美国宪法的商业条款赋予国会禁止种族歧视的权力,即使在私营企业中也是如此。与十年前最高法院对布朗诉教育委员会案的裁决不同,1964年《民权法案》的实施并没有遇到大规模的抵制运动民权运动改变了人们对吉姆·克劳的态度,这反映了民权运动的影响,许多尚未废除种族隔离的设施迅速采取行动,遵守新法律。民权活动人士仍然面临着一项任务,即测试其他声称已经废除种族隔离的设施和企业是否真的会接纳和服务非洲裔美国人,以及对那些继续拒绝这样做的机构和企业施加直接压力。如果非裔美国人不去使用这些设施,就无法知道他们是否废除了种族隔离。这将是一项艰苦的努力,因为这意味着要协调志愿者们使用南方每一个社区的每一个公共设施或企业。对1964年民权法案的回应最能说明问题的是随之而来的遵守和不遵守的模式。对于某一特定社区对某一种设施而非另一种设施废除种族隔离的反应,几乎没有铁定的定论。事实上,令人吃惊的往往是各种各样的反应。尽管如此,还是有一些明显的趋势。首先,事实证明,在上南方各州,废除公共设施和私营企业的种族隔离,往往比对种族隔离态度更为根深蒂固的下南方各州更容易。第二,在城市地区废除设施的种族隔离往往比在农村地区容易。在农村地区,反对变革的情绪似乎更加僵化,地方官员和企业更加孤立,因此更容易受到社区抵制变革的压力,非洲裔美国人人口较少,挑战现状的资源更少。相比之下,城市地区的白人普遍持更广泛的意见,包括更多地支持废除种族隔离;他们为官员和企业提供大量保护;他们拥有一个更大的非裔美国人社区,拥有更多的资源和支持结构来挑战种族隔离。第三,大型连锁餐饮和零售机构往往比小型独立企业更容易废除种族隔离。较大的连锁店通常更意识到自己的国家形象和地位,他们不太容易受到当地行动的影响,比如白人抵制,如果真的发生这种情况,他们可以选择搬迁到其他地方。较小的企业通常是家族企业,更有可能与社区情绪协调一致并对其敏感,因为它们依赖于当地对其客户的善意,如果它们违反了当地的习俗,它们更容易受到报复和失去较小的客户。…
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Going Off the Deep End The Civil Rights Act of 1964 and the Desegregation of Little Rock’s Public Swimming Pools
Fifty years ago, on July 2, 1964, President Lyndon B. Johnson signed one of the twentieth century's landmark pieces of civil rights legislation into law. The Civil Rights Act of 1964 had a wide-ranging coverage that tackled discrimination in education, voting rights, and labor relations. Its most immediate impact, however, came in the abolition of segregation in "public accommodations." Following on courts' piecemeal dismantling of certain segregated facilities and the community campaigns by civil rights activists that had intensified in the decade before, the 1964 Civil Rights Act finally outlawed segregation in all public places. These included any facility that was "owned, operated, or managed by or on behalf of any state or subdivision thereof," as well as commercial concerns.1 U.S. Supreme Court rulings that followed in cases such as Heart of Atlanta Motel v. United States and Katzenbach v. McClung upheld the Civil Rights Act's contention that the U.S. Constitution's commerce clause gave Congress power to forbid racial discrimination even in privately run businesses.2Unlike the Supreme Court's Brown v. Board of Education ruling ten years earlier, the 1964 Civil Rights Act did not meet with a campaign of massive resistance to its implementation.3 Reflecting the impact of the civil rights movement in changing attitudes toward Jim Crow, many not yet desegregated facilities quickly moved to comply with the new law. That still leftcivil rights activists with the task of testing whether other facilities and businesses that claimed to have desegregated would actually admit and serve African-American customers, as well as the task of exerting direct pressure on those that continued to refuse to do so. Without African Americans actually turning up to use those facilities, there was no way of knowing if they had desegregated or not. This would be a painstaking endeavor, since it meant coordinating attempts of volunteers to use every single public facility or business in every single community across the South.4Most revealing about the response to the 1964 Civil Rights Act was the pattern of compliance and non-compliance that developed. There were few cast-iron certainties about how any given community would react to the desegregation of one set of facilities as opposed to another. In fact, it was the wide variety and range of responses that was often striking. Nevertheless, there were some broadly discernable tendencies. Firstly, it often proved easier to desegregate both publicly funded facilities and private businesses in Upper South states than in Lower South states, where attitudes toward segregation were more entrenched. Secondly, it often proved easier to desegregate facilities in urban areas than in rural areas. In rural areas, sentiment against change appeared to be more inflexible, local officials and businesses were more isolated and therefore more susceptible to community pressure to resist change, and African-American populations were smaller and had fewer resources to challenge the status quo. By contrast, urban areas generally offered a wider range of opinions among whites, including more support for desegregation; they offered protection in numbers for officials and businesses; and they harbored a larger African- American community with more resources and support structures in place to challenge segregation. Thirdly, the larger chains of eating and retail establishments were often easier to desegregate than smaller independent businesses. Larger chains were generally more conscious of their national image and standing, they were less susceptible to local actions such as white boycotts, and, if it came down to it, they had the option of relocating elsewhere. Smaller business were often family concerns and more likely to be attuned with and sensitive to community sentiment, since they relied on local goodwill for their custom, and they were more vulnerable to retribution and loss of their smaller clientele if they violated local mores. …
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The Cotton Plantation South since the Civil War “Dedicated People” Little Rock Central High School’s Teachers during the Integration Crisis of 1957–1958 Prosperity and Peril: Arkansas in the New South, 1880–1900 “Between the Hawk & Buzzard”:
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