《土耳其的崛起:21世纪第一个穆斯林大国

Q3 Arts and Humanities Parameters Pub Date : 2015-06-22 DOI:10.5860/choice.185067
W. Terrill
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引用次数: 22

摘要

《土耳其的崛起:21世纪的第一个穆斯林大国》作者:索纳·恰阿普塔伊杜勒,弗吉尼亚州:波托马克出版社,2014年,168页,25.95美元[插图略]索纳·恰阿普塔伊对土耳其的研究比书名所暗示的要多得多。虽然作者毫无疑问地论述了土耳其日益上升的全球角色和大幅增强的经济,但他也对自2002年正义与发展党(AKP)掌权以来土耳其的社会和政治转型进行了深刻的分析。这种转变的中心是作者所描述的凯末尔主义作为土耳其指导思想的终结。凯末尔主义是土耳其现代国父凯末尔·阿塔图尔克(Kemal Ataturk)对土耳其社会和政治未来的设想。最好的描述是一种以欧洲为导向、自上而下的西化和世俗化方式,其中还包括军队在保护世俗民主方面的特殊国内角色。恰阿普塔伊认为,随着阿塔图尔克的政治愿景逐渐被搁置一边,政府在公共领域为伊斯兰教确立了更大的角色,AKP现在已经将土耳其带入了后凯末尔主义阶段。他把AKP的一些新政策描述为政府强加的社会保守主义和自上而下的社会工程。为了说明这一点,发件人指出,政府机构现在在雇用和晋升方面公开歧视世俗的土耳其人,这种情况对选择不戴头巾的妇女来说尤其成问题。这个发生巨大变化的土耳其的建筑师是塔伊普·埃尔多安,他担任了11年的总理,然后在2014年8月成为土耳其第一位民选总统。埃尔多安和他的政党赢得了一系列连续的全国选举,因为他们得到了低收入社区选民的大力支持。在这些社区,宗教问题往往被严肃对待。这些社区的许多居民认为埃尔多安是一个有吸引力的人物,因为他的政策立场和他在Kasimpasa的童年,Kasimpasa是伊斯坦布尔一个艰难的低收入社区。不出所料,许多正义与发展党支持者也憎恨以共和人民党(CHP)为代表的世俗和西方化精英。此外,经济实力的增强使正义与发展党政府能够投资于教育、医疗保健和其他有利于穷人的社会项目,从而巩固了许多低收入选民的忠诚。在这种环境下,尽管埃尔多安决定根据正义与发展党关于总理任期限制的内部规定更换职位,但他仍准备在土耳其政坛保持主导地位。作为总理,埃尔多安和阿塔图尔克一样,利用自己的人格力量将自己的世界观强加于土耳其社会。埃尔多安的执政方式也越来越独裁,正义与发展党领导层把矛头对准了一些最强硬的批评者,包括媒体人物和法院官员,尽其所能地惩罚他们。独立媒体被以相当站不住脚的理由处以高额罚款,而土耳其现在已超过中国和伊朗,成为关押记者人数最多的国家。正义与发展党(AKP)政府还通过大规模逮捕和恐吓官员的方式,消除了军方在土耳其政治中的作用,这些手段通常涉及据称是为了防止政变而实施的非法监视。…
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The Rise of Turkey: The Twenty-First Century's First Muslim Power
The Rise of Turkey: The Twenty-First Century's First Muslim Power By Soner Cagaptay Dulles, Virginia: Potomac Books, 2014, 168 pages $25.95 [ILLUSTRATION OMITTED] Soner Cagaptay's study on Turkey delivers significantly more than the title implies. While the author unquestionably addresses Turkey's rising global role and vastly strengthened economy, he also provides insightful analysis of Turkish social and political transformation since the Justice and Development Party (AKP) took power in 2002. This transformation centers on what the author describes as the end of Kemalism as the Turkish guiding ideology. Kemalism is the vision of Turkey's modern founder, Kemal Ataturk, for his country's social and political future. It is best described as a European-oriented, top-down Westernization and secularization approach, which also includes a special domestic role for the military in protecting secular democracy. According to Cagaptay, the AKP has now moved Turkey into a post-Kemalist phase as Ataturk's political vision is increasingly set aside, and the government establishes a greater role for Islam in the public sphere. He describes some of the new AKP policies as government-imposed social conservatism and top-down social engineering. To illustrate this point, the author notes government institutions now openly discriminate against secular Turks in hiring and promotions, and this situation is particularly problematic for women who choose not to wear the headscarf. The architect of this vastly changed Turkey is Tayyip Erdogan, who served as prime minister for 11 years and then became Turkey's first elected president in August 2014. Erdogan and his party have been able win a series of consecutive national elections by drawing on the strong support of voters from struggling low income neighborhoods, where religion is often taken very seriously. Many residents of these neighborhoods find Erdogan an appealing figure due to both his policy positions and his childhood in Kasimpasa, a tough, low income, Istanbul neighborhood. Unsurprisingly, many AKP supporters also resent their country's secular and Westernized elites epitomized by the Republican People's Party (CHP). Moreover, the increased strength of the economy allows the AKP government to invest in education, health care, and other social programs that benefit the poor, thereby consolidating the loyalties of many low income voters. In this environment, Erdogan is poised to remain the dominant figure in Turkish politics despite his decision to change offices in response to internal AKP rules on term limits for prime minister. As prime minister, Erdogan, like Ataturk, used the force of his personality to impose his worldview on Turkish society. He has also governed in an increasingly authoritarian manner, and the AKP leadership has targeted some of its most assertive critics including media figures and court officials for whatever punishment it can direct at them. Steep fines have been leveled at the independent media on fairly flimsy grounds, while Turkey has now surpassed China and Iran as the country with the highest number of journalists in prison. The AKP government has also eliminated the military's role in Turkish politics through mass arrests and intimidation of officers, often involving illegal surveillance supposedly implemented to prevent a coup. …
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