《自由之镜:革命时代的古巴和海地》

P. Girard
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Her conclusions are nuanced: though the Haitian slave revolt provided a powerful counter-example to the dominant slave-holding paradigm of the late eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries, the period also saw the economic take-off of a Cuban sugar economy based on slave labour.The traditional view that the Haitian Revolution left every white planter in the Americas shivering in fear of a second Haiti seems well on its way to being debunked. Ashli White has shown in Encountering Revolution (2010) that many US slave owners were confident that no similar outbreak could take place in the United States of America. Ferrer adds that Cuban planters viewed the 1791 slave revolt in French SaintDomingue (Haiti) not only as a threat but also a business opportunity. Eager to replace the beleaguered French colony as the Caribbean's leading exporter of sugar, they hoped \"to emulate Saint-Domingue but to contain Haiti\" (p. 38). 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引用次数: 56

摘要

费雷尔,艾达。《自由之镜:革命时代的古巴和海地》。纽约:剑桥大学出版社,2014年,384页。经过十多年的创作,阿达·费雷尔的《自由之镜》考察了从1791年海地革命爆发到1804年海地独立之后海地革命和古巴之间的相互作用。尽管对资料来源的详细描述和分析偶尔会使叙述变得沉重(对一份文件的描述长达25页,299-324页),但费雷尔的作品是基于古巴、西班牙和法国令人印象深刻的多份档案工作,对加勒比海及其他地区的废奴主义和殖民主义专家来说,它将证明是无价的。她的结论是微妙的:尽管海地奴隶起义为18世纪末和19世纪初占主导地位的蓄奴模式提供了一个强有力的反例,但这一时期也见证了古巴以奴隶劳动为基础的制糖经济的起飞。传统观点认为,海地革命让美洲的每个白人种植园主都因害怕第二个海地而颤抖,这种观点似乎正在被揭穿。阿什利·怀特在《遭遇革命》(2010)一书中指出,许多美国奴隶主相信美国不会发生类似的爆发。费雷尔补充说,古巴种植园主认为1791年法属圣多明各(海地)的奴隶起义不仅是一种威胁,也是一种商机。他们渴望取代这个陷入困境的法国殖民地,成为加勒比地区主要的糖出口国,希望“效仿圣多明各,但要遏制海地”(第38页)。1791年奴隶起义发生时,古巴的支持者弗朗西斯科·阿兰戈·伊·帕雷诺正在西班牙为放宽奴隶贸易规则进行谈判。这一事件的消息非但没有吓到他,反而促使他加倍实施自己取代圣多明克成为加勒比糖业巨头的计划。“我们幸福的时刻到来了,”他大声说道(第4页)。费雷尔还花了很多时间讨论海地革命的消息是如何在古巴奴隶中传播的,无论是通过印刷、口头还是通过商业交流。由于普遍的文盲和官方审查制度,一些历史学家一直在争论奴隶们对海地革命是否了解得很多,但费雷尔令人信服地认为,黑人对圣多明各发生的事件非常了解,尽管并不总是准确的,因为谣言和真实的谣言一样自由地传播。因为在整个18世纪90年代,古巴不顾官方禁令和明显的安全风险,继续从圣多明各进口奴隶,许多亲身经历过圣多明各大奴隶起义的“法国黑人”(法国黑人)在古巴生活和劳动,在那里他们可以告诉他们的兄弟在圣多明各发生的重大事件。这本书的中间部分同样研究得很好,但信息量较少,因为在费勒完成研究的时间里,其他学者研究了类似的领域。西班牙在1793年至1795年入侵圣多明克期间使用的黑人辅助兵已经是简·兰德斯(Jane Landers)的《大西洋克里奥尔人》(2010)的主题。…
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Freedom's Mirror: Cuba and Haiti in the Age of Revolution
Ferrer, Ada. Freedom's Mirror: Cuba and Haiti in the Age of Revolution. New York: Cambridge University Press, 2014, 384 pp.More than ten years in the making, Ada Ferrer's Freedom's Mirror examines the interplay between the Haitian Revolution and Cuba from the time of the Revolution's outbreak in 1791 to the aftermath of Haiti's 1804 independence. Though detailed descriptions and analyses of sources occasionally weigh down the narrative (the description of a single document occupies 25 pages, 299-324), Ferrer's work is based on impressive multi-archival work in Cuba, Spain, and France and it will prove invaluable to specialists of abolitionism and colonialism in the Caribbean and beyond. Her conclusions are nuanced: though the Haitian slave revolt provided a powerful counter-example to the dominant slave-holding paradigm of the late eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries, the period also saw the economic take-off of a Cuban sugar economy based on slave labour.The traditional view that the Haitian Revolution left every white planter in the Americas shivering in fear of a second Haiti seems well on its way to being debunked. Ashli White has shown in Encountering Revolution (2010) that many US slave owners were confident that no similar outbreak could take place in the United States of America. Ferrer adds that Cuban planters viewed the 1791 slave revolt in French SaintDomingue (Haiti) not only as a threat but also a business opportunity. Eager to replace the beleaguered French colony as the Caribbean's leading exporter of sugar, they hoped "to emulate Saint-Domingue but to contain Haiti" (p. 38). The Cuban booster Francisco Arango y Parreno was in Spain negotiating for looser slave-trading rules when the 1791 slave revolt occurred. News of the event, far from scaring him, prompted him to double-down on his plan to replace Saint-Domingue as the Caribbean's sugar juggernaut. "The hour of our happiness has arrived," he exclaimed (p. 4).Ferrer also spends much time discussing the ways in which news of the Haitian Revolution was disseminated among Cuban slaves, whether in print, orally, or through commercial exchanges. Some historians have debated whether slaves knew much about the Haitian Revolution because of widespread illiteracy and official censorship, but Ferrer convincingly argues that the black population was well aware of events in Saint-Domingue, though not always accurately because wild rumours circulated as freely as truthful ones. Because Cuba continued to import slaves from Saint-Domingue throughout the 1790s despite official bans and the obvious security risk, many "negros franceses" (French blacks) who had personally experienced the great slave revolt in SaintDomingue lived and toiled in Cuba, where they could inform their brethren of the momentous events that had taken place in SaintDomingue.The middle part of the book is equally well researched but less informative because other scholars covered similar ground in the time it took for Ferrer to complete her study. Spain's use of black auxiliaries during its invasion of Saint-Domingue in 1793-1795 was already the subject of Jane Landers' Atlantic Creoles (2010). …
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