《权力:战争、权力和感知状态》

Q3 Arts and Humanities Parameters Pub Date : 2016-09-22 DOI:10.5860/choice.194676
P. W. Reynolds
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引用次数: 8

摘要

《ontoppower:战争、权力和感知状态》,作者:Brian Massumi Durham,北卡罗来纳州:杜克大学出版社,2015年,320页,24.95美元。Brian Massumi对我们理解权力的最新补充可能是自《论战争》以来对战略的最重要补充。对Massumi来说,一种能量是一种能够改变对一系列效应的认知,改变原始事物未来的力量(41)。正如它的希腊前缀所表明的那样,它是一种活生生的力量。Massumi的主要观点是将先发制人作为一种战略,他在书中描述了先发制人成为应对威胁的唯一方法的基本假设。先发制人,因为它发生在威胁出现之前,它的本体论前提必须是在威胁被摧毁之后对其进行定义的能力。从最真实的意义上讲,先发制人要求人们的认知倾向于适应行动。换句话说,应该攻击可能构成威胁的东西,因为它可能会攻击你。优先购买权将前提从事实转变为潜力。Massumi做得很好的是将行动哲学转化为认识论方法。他使用军事规划者熟悉的“作战化”一词来描述这一过程。这个词的意思是“使成为行动”。正如它的假设一样,ontoppower需要将环境系统描述为充满威胁。可能会让一些人感到惊讶的是,现代生活的两种主要描述范式,新保守主义和新自由主义(43),综合了对这种力量的需求,这种力量受益于重组环境复杂性的能力。一方将环境军事化,另一方则从对资本主义秩序的创造性破坏中获益。就这样,先验,一种本体论,变成了认识论。对Massumi来说,威慑和先发制人的并列创造了安全研究的新时代。威慑是政策;这是反对单一行为者的同伴之间竞争的合理化。先发制人的假设是没有任何合理化的好处。冷战是威慑,但我们已经进入了一个新的时代,威胁需要比政策更快的反应。Massumi指出,如果我们的行动制造了敌人,那么先发制人只需要威胁,因为威胁可能会变成敌人。但是,抢占会扰乱平衡。它产生了无法预测的反应,不确定性是一种模糊的、令人不安的威胁,等等。你不能先发制人阻止你能阻止的事情,你也不能阻止可以先发制人的事情。先发制人是自由主义国家无法提供安全保障的必然结果,Massumi称之为“感知攻击”。…
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Ontopower: War, Powers, and the State of Perception
Ontopower: War, Powers, and the State of Perception By Brian Massumi Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 2015 320 pages $24.95 [ILLUSTRATION OMITTED] Brian Massumi's latest addition to our understanding of power may be the most important addition to strategy since On War. To Massumi, an ontopower is power that is able to alter perception about a chain of effects, altering the future of the original (41). It is, as its Greek prefix would indicate, a living power. Massumi's protagonist is the idea of preemption as strategy, and he describes in his book the underlying assumptions on which preemption becomes the only response available to threats. Preemption, because it occurs before the threat emerges, must have as its ontological premise the ability to define a threat after its destruction has occurred. Preemption, in its truest sense, requires perceptions bent to fit the action. In other words, what could be a threat should be attacked because it could attack you. Preemption changes premise from fact to potential. What Massumi does very well is translate a philosophy of action into epistemological methods. He uses the word "operationalization," familiar to military planners, to describe this process. This word means "to make into an action." True to its assumptions, ontopower requires descriptions of the environmental system as full of threats. What may be surprising to some, the two dominant descriptive paradigms of modern life, neoconservatism and neoliberalism (43), synthesize a need for this power, one that benefits from an ability to reorganize the complexity of the environment. One militarizes the environment and the other benefits from the creative destruction of the capitalist order. It is in this way preemption, an ontology, becomes epistemology. To Massumi, the juxtopostion of deterrence and preemption creates a new era in security studies. Deterrence is policy; it is the rationalization of competition between peers who are against unitary actors. Preemption supposes there is no benefit for rationalizing. The Cold War was deterrence, but we have entered a new era where threats require responses faster than policy can provide. Massumi makes the point, if our actions create the enemy, then preemption only requires a threat because the threat could become an enemy. But, preemption disturbs equilibriums. It creates reactions that cannot be predicted, and uncertainty is a vague, uneasy threat, and so on. One does not preempt something you can deter, and you do not deter something that can be preempted. Preemption is the logical conclusion of the liberal state's inability to provide security, what Massumi calls the "perception attack. …
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