奴隶制及以后:1750-1920年中非南部不稳定世界中男人的形成和奇昆达民族身份

IF 0.3 4区 历史学 Q2 HISTORY INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF AFRICAN HISTORICAL STUDIES Pub Date : 2005-05-01 DOI:10.5860/choice.42-2356
Josephine C. Miller
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Followers of these two formative figures in post-Salazar Mozambican historiography will recognize the prazo \"estate\" holders who recruited the original chikunda warriors, their status as \"slaves,\" and the opportunities for themselves that these fugitives from the power of others created in the middle Zambezi area as \"transfrontiersmen,\" their services as porters and canoemen along the river, and the enlistments of some in the early colonial military in Mozambique and (present-day) Malawi. All these moments have appeared over the years in articles and chapters, often written in collaboration with Alien Isaacman's able students at the University of Minnesota. The extensive research supporting this integrated narrative goes back to the late 1960s and includes thorough use of archives in Mozambique, Zimbabwe, Malawi, and Zambia (as well as Portugal and Britain) and the Isaacmans' characteristic and effective reliance on personal narratives of residents of the region, collected in well over a hundred interview sessions dating over the full span of their investigations and including a great many new ones conducted in 1997-98. What else is new is the sophisticated and careful integration of all this material around two issues of identity, as the title indicates: the term chikunda has had many and often contradictory meanings, as \"slave\" (thus shameful), as \"warrior\" (thus powerful), quintessentially \"male\" (thus proud), and as fully \"ethnic\" (female and young, as well as adult male) communities of several different \"characters\" in various parts of the valley and its environs. The Isaacmans offer a sophisticated theoretical basis for understanding ethnicity (and by extension the other kinds of identities conveyed by the label \"Chikunda\") as social boundary setting in response to rapidly changing circumstances. They then follow the decades of ivory trading, hunting, intervals of drought, and eventual colonial intervention in the distinct parts of the area, and the differing responses of various groups of chikunda to them, leading to the recent array of meanings attached to, and sometimes claimed by their modern descendants. 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引用次数: 15

摘要

奴隶制及以后:1750-1920年中非南部不稳定世界中男人的形成和奇昆达民族身份。作者:Alien F.和Barbara S. Isaacman。朴次茅斯:海涅曼出版社,2004年。非洲社会史丛书。第xii页,370页,地图,数字,照片。布99.95美元,纸29.95美元。Allen Isaacman已经写了30年关于赞比西河流域的文章,经常与Barbara Isaacman合作,这项研究汇集了之前围绕“Chikunda”历史介绍的许多主题,18世纪由非洲-果阿-葡萄牙军阀组成的奴隶民兵,他们的后代在19世纪成为该地区主要的象牙猎人和奴隶掠夺者,然后在不得不接受葡萄牙和英国殖民统治的一代人中以各种方式做出反应。在萨拉查之后的莫桑比克史学中,这两位塑造人物的追随者将认识到招募了最初的奇昆达战士的普拉佐“庄园”拥有者,他们的“奴隶”地位,以及这些逃离他人权力的逃亡者在赞比西河中部地区创造的“越界者”为他们自己创造的机会,他们作为搬运工和沿河划独木舟的人,以及在莫桑比克和(今天的)马拉维早期殖民军队中的一些人的入伍。多年来,所有这些时刻都出现在文章和章节中,通常是与Alien Isaacman在明尼苏达大学的优秀学生合作撰写的。支持这一综合叙述的广泛研究可以追溯到20世纪60年代末,包括对莫桑比克、津巴布韦、马拉维和赞比亚(以及葡萄牙和英国)档案的全面利用,以及艾萨曼夫妇对该地区居民个人叙述的特色和有效依赖,这些资料收集于他们整个调查期间的100多次采访中,其中包括1997年至1998年进行的许多新调查。另一个新颖之处在于,所有这些材料都围绕着两个身份问题进行了复杂而细致的整合,正如标题所表明的那样:奇昆达这个词有很多而且经常是相互矛盾的含义,作为“奴隶”(因此可耻),作为“战士”(因此强大),作为典型的“男性”(因此自豪),以及作为在山谷及其周围不同地区由几个不同“角色”组成的完全“种族”(女性和年轻人,以及成年男性)社区。艾萨克森提供了一个复杂的理论基础来理解种族(以及通过扩展“奇昆达”标签所传达的其他类型的身份)作为社会边界的设置,以应对迅速变化的环境。然后,他们跟随几十年的象牙贸易,狩猎,间隔的干旱,以及最终在该地区不同地区的殖民干预,以及不同群体的奇孔达人对他们的不同反应,导致了最近一系列的意义,有时被他们的现代后代所声称。这种对种族作为历史的灵活而细致的处理表明,在非洲和世界上任何其他地方,人们主张和阐述共性的许多基础:有些是根据“起源”和繁殖(因此是通过出生,尽管不是在这种情况下),有些是根据职业(例如,在这里,战士,运输商和象牙猎人),甚至是性别(这里是强壮的男性,不像安哥拉的因班加拉人,尼日尔上游的塞古奴隶骑兵,或刚果河中部的博班吉人),或者是对土地的要求和被精神化的前任要求者(对艾萨克森人来说,这是一个关键因素,主要群体保留了“奇昆达”这个名字,但放弃了它原有的所有内涵,以结婚和修炼为生)。…
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Slavery and Beyond: The Making of Men and Chikunda Ethnic Identities in the Unstable World of South-Central Africa, 1750-1920
Slavery and Beyond: The Making of Men and Chikunda Ethnic Identities in the Unstable World of South-Central Africa, 1750-1920. By Alien F. and Barbara S. Isaacman. Portsmouth N.H.: Heinemann, 2004. Social History of Africa Series. Pp. xii, 370, maps, figures, photographs. $99.95 cloth, $29.95 paper. Allen Isaacman has been writing about the Zambezi valley for 30 years, often in collaboration with Barbara Isaacman, and this study brings together many themes previously introduced around the history of the "Chikunda," the slave militias formed in the 18th century by Afro-Goan-Portuguese warlords, whose 19th-century descendants became the dominant ivory hunters and slave raiders of the area and then reacted in a variety of ways in the generation who had to come to terms with Portuguese and British colonial rule. Followers of these two formative figures in post-Salazar Mozambican historiography will recognize the prazo "estate" holders who recruited the original chikunda warriors, their status as "slaves," and the opportunities for themselves that these fugitives from the power of others created in the middle Zambezi area as "transfrontiersmen," their services as porters and canoemen along the river, and the enlistments of some in the early colonial military in Mozambique and (present-day) Malawi. All these moments have appeared over the years in articles and chapters, often written in collaboration with Alien Isaacman's able students at the University of Minnesota. The extensive research supporting this integrated narrative goes back to the late 1960s and includes thorough use of archives in Mozambique, Zimbabwe, Malawi, and Zambia (as well as Portugal and Britain) and the Isaacmans' characteristic and effective reliance on personal narratives of residents of the region, collected in well over a hundred interview sessions dating over the full span of their investigations and including a great many new ones conducted in 1997-98. What else is new is the sophisticated and careful integration of all this material around two issues of identity, as the title indicates: the term chikunda has had many and often contradictory meanings, as "slave" (thus shameful), as "warrior" (thus powerful), quintessentially "male" (thus proud), and as fully "ethnic" (female and young, as well as adult male) communities of several different "characters" in various parts of the valley and its environs. The Isaacmans offer a sophisticated theoretical basis for understanding ethnicity (and by extension the other kinds of identities conveyed by the label "Chikunda") as social boundary setting in response to rapidly changing circumstances. They then follow the decades of ivory trading, hunting, intervals of drought, and eventual colonial intervention in the distinct parts of the area, and the differing responses of various groups of chikunda to them, leading to the recent array of meanings attached to, and sometimes claimed by their modern descendants. This supple and detailed handling of ethnicity as history demonstrates the many bases on which people claim and elaborate commonalities, in Africa no less than anywhere else in the world: some by "origin" and reproduction (thus by natality, though not in this case), others by profession (here, for example, warriors, transporters, and ivory hunters), even gender (here strongly male, not unlike the Imbangala in Angola, the Segu slave cavalry along the upper Niger, or the Bobangi of the middle Congo River), or claims to land and the spiritized predecessor claimants (a critical factor, for the Isaacmans, for the main groups who retained the "Chikunda" name but abandoned all of its original connotations to marry and live by cultivating). …
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期刊介绍: The International Journal of African Historical Studies (IJAHS) is devoted to the study of the African past. Norman Bennett was the founder and guiding force behind the journal’s growth from its first incarnation at Boston University as African Historical Studies in 1968. He remained its editor for more than thirty years. The title was expanded to the International Journal of African Historical Studies in 1972, when Africana Publishers Holmes and Meier took over publication and distribution for the next decade. Beginning in 1982, the African Studies Center once again assumed full responsibility for production and distribution. Jean Hay served as the journal’s production editor from 1979 to 1995, and editor from 1998 to her retirement in 2005. Michael DiBlasi is the current editor, and James McCann and Diana Wylie are associate editors of the journal. Members of the editorial board include: Emmanuel Akyeampong, Peter Alegi, Misty Bastian, Sara Berry, Barbara Cooper, Marc Epprecht, Lidwien Kapteijns, Meredith McKittrick, Pashington Obang, David Schoenbrun, Heather Sharkey, Ann B. Stahl, John Thornton, and Rudolph Ware III. The journal publishes three issues each year (April, August, and December). Articles, notes, and documents submitted to the journal should be based on original research and framed in terms of historical analysis. Contributions in archaeology, history, anthropology, historical ecology, political science, political ecology, and economic history are welcome. Articles that highlight European administrators, settlers, or colonial policies should be submitted elsewhere, unless they deal substantially with interactions with (or the affects on) African societies.
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