横向生活:美国印第安人口述传统中的骗子

IF 0.1 4区 社会学 0 FOLKLORE WESTERN FOLKLORE Pub Date : 2006-10-01 DOI:10.5860/choice.42-5713
Willie Smyth
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And: \"What can a single telling of a story reveal to us about its culture?\"(7) Ballinger's book is, overall, a compendium of scholars' failed attempts to explain the significance of tricksters in America Indian traditions, though the author does give credit where it is due, and he does offer some analysis of his own to help us better understand the trickster enigma. In the process we become well acquainted with the bulk of trickster scholarship produced up to the mid-1990s. In his introduction, he outlines the general contours of previous scholarship, presents a need for multi-modal interpretation of trickster stories, and explains the polyvocality and overlapping of myth and story in American Indian oral tradition: \"Such an array of meanings is certainly consistent with the many-sided nature of reality as manifested in the trickster himself\" (17). The book's exposition then follows-a via negativa route along which the author points up deficiencies of prior interpretation. In chapter one, Carl Jung's and Paul Radin's stress on Trickster as archetype and cultural hero (Jung 1972, Radin 1956), Mac Linscott Ricketts' view of Trickster's humanist elements (1966, 1987), Barbara Babcock-Abrahams' notion of marginality (1975), andjarold Ramsey's interpretation of Trickster as bricoleur (1977) are examined. All interpretations are useful within limits, the author observes-but most, if not all, interpreters seem to have fitted Trickster into their own paradigms without doing justice to Trickster's wider significance, especially to American Indians themselves: \"Like subatomic particles, tricksters never allow a final definition of time, place, and character. They never settle or shape themselves to allow closure either fictional or moral\" (30). In chapter two, the author explores why tricksters are generally associated with animals, along with Trickster's role as cultural hero. Trickster's activities as wanderer help define the experiential physical and social world-but also deconstruct the same definitions through comic inversion of the mythic journey. Here Ballinger discusses the contributions and shortcomings of such interpreters as Andrew Wiget (1990), Barry Lopez (1981), William Bright (1993), and Claude Levi-Strauss (1963). Chapter three emphasizes the role of humor in trickster narrative. Ballinger agrees with Babcock-Abrahams that \"American Indian trickster figures stories dramatize the ever-present conflict and interplay between the individual and society; between freedom and constraint\" (61). But he challenges all theory based upon individualism-an imported cultural element that does not resonate with Native American tradition: \"The romanticism that has shaped the dominant culture's privileging individualism does not operate in the American Indian world.\" (65). A traditional American Indian attitude, he says, would not deny separate identity, but would see it developing only in interaction with community. Although I (and doubtless many psychologists, sociologists, historians, and philosophers) take issue with Ballinger's implication of romanticism as a main source of the Western notion of individuality, the tension between autonomy and community does provide insight into why trickster tales that ridicule antisocial behavior are important within traditional American Indian communities, and why they are funny. …","PeriodicalId":44624,"journal":{"name":"WESTERN FOLKLORE","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.1000,"publicationDate":"2006-10-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":"13","resultStr":"{\"title\":\"Living Sideways: Tricksters in American Indian Oral Traditions\",\"authors\":\"Willie Smyth\",\"doi\":\"10.5860/choice.42-5713\",\"DOIUrl\":null,\"url\":null,\"abstract\":\"Living Sideways: Tricksters in American Indian Oral Traditions. By Franchot Ballinger. 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引用次数: 13

摘要

横向生活:美国印第安人口述传统中的骗子。弗朗肖·巴林杰著。诺曼:俄克拉荷马大学出版社,2006[2004]。第xii + 212页,前言,引言,插图,注释,参考书目,索引。对于民俗学的学生来说,熟悉土狼和其他版本的魔术师是很重要的,因为这些人物在美国印第安人的叙述中占有重要地位。在《横着生活:美国印第安人口述传统中的骗子》一书中,弗朗肖·巴林杰提出了关于骗子的重要问题,包括那些阻碍外人理解他们的问题:“如果我们从欧美人而不是部落的角度来看待骗子,我们对他们又有什么真正的了解?在骗子故事中,人们是如何处理不同之处和相似之处的?(7)总的来说,巴林杰的书是学者们试图解释美国印第安人传统中骗子的重要性的失败尝试的概要,尽管作者确实在适当的地方给予了赞扬,并且他确实提供了一些自己的分析来帮助我们更好地理解骗子之谜。在这个过程中,我们对20世纪90年代中期之前产生的大量骗子奖学金有所了解。在他的引言中,他概述了以往学术研究的大致轮廓,提出了对魔术师故事进行多模态解释的必要性,并解释了美洲印第安人口述传统中神话和故事的多音性和重叠性:“这样一系列的意义当然与现实的多面性相一致,正如魔术师本人所表现的那样”(17)。然后,本书的论述遵循了一条消极的路线,作者指出了先前解释的不足之处。在第一章中,考察了卡尔·荣格和保罗·雷丁对“骗子”作为原型和文化英雄的强调(荣格1972年,雷丁1956年),麦克·林斯科特·里基茨对“骗子”的人文主义元素的看法(1966年,1987年),芭芭拉·巴布科克-亚伯拉罕斯的边缘性概念(1975年),以及jarold Ramsey对“骗子”作为杂色者的解释(1977年)。作者观察到,所有的解释在一定范围内都是有用的,但大多数(如果不是全部的话)解释者似乎都把《魔术师》融入了他们自己的范式,而没有公正地对待《魔术师》更广泛的意义,尤其是对美国印第安人自己:“就像亚原子粒子一样,《魔术师》从来没有给时间、地点和人物一个最终的定义。他们从不安顿下来或塑造自己,以允许虚构的或道德的结局。”在第二章中,作者探讨了为什么骗子通常与动物联系在一起,以及骗子作为文化英雄的角色。Trickster作为漫游者的活动有助于定义体验性的物质世界和社会世界,但也通过对神话旅程的喜剧反转解构了相同的定义。在这里,巴林杰讨论了安德鲁·威格特(1990)、巴里·洛佩兹(1981)、威廉·布莱特(1993)和克劳德·列维-斯特劳斯(1963)等诠释者的贡献和不足。第三章强调幽默在骗子叙事中的作用。巴林格同意巴布科克-亚伯拉罕的观点:“美国印第安骗子的故事戏剧化了个人与社会之间始终存在的冲突和相互作用;在自由和约束之间”(61)。但他对所有建立在个人主义基础上的理论提出了挑战——个人主义是一种外来的文化元素,与印第安人的传统格格不入:“塑造了主流文化中个人主义特权的浪漫主义,在美洲印第安人的世界里行不通。”(65)。他说,传统的美国印第安人态度不会否认独立的身份,而是认为它只有在与社区的互动中才能发展。虽然我(当然还有许多心理学家、社会学家、历史学家和哲学家)不同意巴林格将浪漫主义作为西方个性概念的主要来源,但自治和社区之间的紧张关系确实提供了洞察,为什么嘲笑反社会行为的魔术师故事在传统的美国印第安人社区中很重要,为什么它们很有趣。…
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Living Sideways: Tricksters in American Indian Oral Traditions
Living Sideways: Tricksters in American Indian Oral Traditions. By Franchot Ballinger. (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 2006 [2004]. Pp. xii + 212, preface, introduction, illustrations, notes, bibliography, index. $19.95 paper) For students of folklore, familiarity with Coyote and other versions of Trickster is important because of the prominence of these figures in American Indian narrative. In Living Sideways: Tricksters in American Indian Oral Traditions, Franchot Ballinger raises important questions concerning tricksters, including those centering on hindrances to outsiders' understanding of them: "What do we really know about tricksters if we view them through Euro-American and not tribal eyes? How does one negotiate the differences (in trickster stories) and what about the similarities? And: "What can a single telling of a story reveal to us about its culture?"(7) Ballinger's book is, overall, a compendium of scholars' failed attempts to explain the significance of tricksters in America Indian traditions, though the author does give credit where it is due, and he does offer some analysis of his own to help us better understand the trickster enigma. In the process we become well acquainted with the bulk of trickster scholarship produced up to the mid-1990s. In his introduction, he outlines the general contours of previous scholarship, presents a need for multi-modal interpretation of trickster stories, and explains the polyvocality and overlapping of myth and story in American Indian oral tradition: "Such an array of meanings is certainly consistent with the many-sided nature of reality as manifested in the trickster himself" (17). The book's exposition then follows-a via negativa route along which the author points up deficiencies of prior interpretation. In chapter one, Carl Jung's and Paul Radin's stress on Trickster as archetype and cultural hero (Jung 1972, Radin 1956), Mac Linscott Ricketts' view of Trickster's humanist elements (1966, 1987), Barbara Babcock-Abrahams' notion of marginality (1975), andjarold Ramsey's interpretation of Trickster as bricoleur (1977) are examined. All interpretations are useful within limits, the author observes-but most, if not all, interpreters seem to have fitted Trickster into their own paradigms without doing justice to Trickster's wider significance, especially to American Indians themselves: "Like subatomic particles, tricksters never allow a final definition of time, place, and character. They never settle or shape themselves to allow closure either fictional or moral" (30). In chapter two, the author explores why tricksters are generally associated with animals, along with Trickster's role as cultural hero. Trickster's activities as wanderer help define the experiential physical and social world-but also deconstruct the same definitions through comic inversion of the mythic journey. Here Ballinger discusses the contributions and shortcomings of such interpreters as Andrew Wiget (1990), Barry Lopez (1981), William Bright (1993), and Claude Levi-Strauss (1963). Chapter three emphasizes the role of humor in trickster narrative. Ballinger agrees with Babcock-Abrahams that "American Indian trickster figures stories dramatize the ever-present conflict and interplay between the individual and society; between freedom and constraint" (61). But he challenges all theory based upon individualism-an imported cultural element that does not resonate with Native American tradition: "The romanticism that has shaped the dominant culture's privileging individualism does not operate in the American Indian world." (65). A traditional American Indian attitude, he says, would not deny separate identity, but would see it developing only in interaction with community. Although I (and doubtless many psychologists, sociologists, historians, and philosophers) take issue with Ballinger's implication of romanticism as a main source of the Western notion of individuality, the tension between autonomy and community does provide insight into why trickster tales that ridicule antisocial behavior are important within traditional American Indian communities, and why they are funny. …
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