南印度的性别与故事

IF 0.1 4区 社会学 0 FOLKLORE WESTERN FOLKLORE Pub Date : 2006-01-01 DOI:10.5860/choice.44-4308
F. Korom
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引用次数: 0

摘要

南印度的性别与故事。由Leela Prasad, Ruth B. bottiheimer和Lalita Handoo编辑。奥尔巴尼:纽约州立大学出版社,2006。第viii + 152页,致谢,地图,章节注释,章节参考书目。(布$45.00,纸$18.95)这本薄而有用的书是拉利塔·汉杜和露丝·波蒂海默于1999年在印度出版的早期著作《民间传说与性别》的重新编辑和更新版本。其中四篇论文(Kanaka Durga, Narasamamba, Handoo和Venugopal)最初在迈索尔举行的第十一届国际民间叙事研究学会大会上发表。这些同样的论文,以重新编排的形式,被夹在里拉·普拉萨德(Leela Prasad)的新介绍和露丝·波蒂海默(Ruth bottiheimer)的简短后记之间。在她的引言中,普拉萨德基本上设定了这本书的理论议程:即,将性别视为身份建构的一个因素,尽管是必不可少的一个因素。她指出故事所包含的内容,分析,对于女性,而不是男性的排斥(5)。几乎所有的例子包括散文,她状态,处理亲属,痛苦,和男权规范,以及出生的家庭和夫妻之间的紧张关系(8)之一。不同的故事文章还建议强烈但兄妹之间复杂的关系,在哥哥经常有强烈的道德义务的姐姐,尽管有时这种义务会变得危险,比如乱伦。普拉萨德还反思性地指出,将这些不同的文章编织在一起的一个因素是所讲述的叙事与叙述者的生活经历之间的交集。拉利塔·汉杜的比较文章关注的是愚蠢女婿的故事,她正确地将其视为傻瓜故事的一个亚类型(35)。她的数据来自她自己在克什米尔的田野调查,但也来自出版的文集,提供了来自印度10个地方的10个例子。因此,她能够声称该类型是泛区域的性质。Handoo的主要观点是,这些故事用幽默颠覆了男性的统治地位(37),提醒我们,印度女性往往不符合沉默、受苦的女儿、妻子或母亲的刻板印象。Handoo的方法在本质上主要是形态学和主题性的,而Saraswati Venugopal的贡献强调“语境意义”(55),通过比较位于泰米尔纳德邦的马杜莱市及其周围的农村和城市环境中的观众的反应。…
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Gender and Story in South India
Gender and Story in South India. Edited by Leela Prasad, Ruth B. Bottigheimer, and Lalita Handoo. (Albany: State University of New York Press, 2006. Pp. viii + 152, acknowledgments, map, chapter notes, chapter bibliographies. $45.00 cloth, $18.95 paper) This slim but useful volume is a re-edited and updated version of an earlier book edited by Lalita Handoo and Ruth Bottigheimer that was published in India in 1999 under the title Folklore and Gender. Four of the papers (those by Kanaka Durga, Narasamamba, Handoo, and Venugopal) were originally presented at the XIth Congress of the International Society for Folk Narrative Research, which was held in Mysore. These same papers, in reworked form, have been sandwiched between a new introduction by Leela Prasad and a very brief afterword by Ruth Bottigheimer. In her introduction, Prasad essentially sets the theoretical agenda of the volume: namely, to look at gender as one factor, albeit an essential one, of identity construction. She points out that the stories analyzed herein are by, about, and for women, but not to the exclusion of men (5). Virtually all of the examples included in the essays, she states, deal with kinship, anguish, and patriarchal norms, as well as tensions between the natal home and the conjugal one (8). The stories in the various essays also suggest the strong but complex relationship between brother and sister, in which the brother often has a strong moral obligation to the sister, even though sometimes this obligation can become dangerous, as when incest enters into the picture. Prasad also points out reflexively that one factor weaving together these diverse essays is the intersection between the narratives told and the lived experiences of the narrators. Lalita Handoo's comparative essay focuses on stupid-son-in-law stories, which she correctly identifies as a subgenre of numskull tales (35). Her data comes from her own fieldwork in Kashmir, but also from published collections, providing ten examples from ten places in India. Hence she is able to make the claim that the genre is pan-regional in nature. Handoo's main point is that the tales use humor to subvert male dominance (37) , a reminder to us that Indian women often do not fit the stereotype of the silent, suffering daughter, wife, or mother. While Handoo's approach is mainly morphological and thematic in nature, Saraswati Venugopal's contribution emphasizes "contextual meaning" (55) by comparing audience responses in rural and urban settings in and around the city of Madurai, located in the state of Tamil Nadu. …
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