《大规模抵抗:白人对民权运动的回应

Graeme Cope
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引用次数: 40

摘要

《大规模抵抗:白人对民权运动的回应》乔治·刘易斯著。(伦敦:霍德·阿诺德出版社,2006)第六页,254页。致谢,注释,选择参考书目,索引。29.95美元,纸上。)在过去的二十年里,对民权运动的研究得到了极大的加强,因为关注的焦点从全国性的抗议组织及其领导人转向了地方团体和无名的社区活动家。约翰·迪特默、查尔斯·佩恩和j·米尔斯·桑顿三世等学者已经证明,这场运动是一个比早期研究所认为的更加多样化和多样化的现象。刘易斯的研究代表了一种迟来但可比较的趋势,即对该运动反对者的审查。他总结道,大规模的抵抗是“多头九头蛇”,“它是……重要的是,不要把它想象成一个单一的同质运动,而是把它想象成一个伴随的抵抗对话的集合体”(第8,185页)。刘易斯借鉴了大量的二手文献,他自己对边境州档案资源的了解,以及全国有色人种协进会(National Association for the Advancement of Colored People)微缩胶片文件的“白人抵抗与报复”卷,将大规模抵抗的发展视为一个多方面的演变,从1956年2月弗吉尼亚州参议员哈里·弗拉德·伯德第一次提到它,到20世纪60年代中期,它的许多不那么明显的种族主义思想在全国新保守主义话语中重生。尽管他将大规模抵抗的概念从通常与学校废除种族隔离的联系扩展到包括反对民权运动的运动,但他对奥尔巴尼、乔治亚州、牛津、密西西比州和阿拉巴马州伯明翰等剧院发生的事件的处理更加有限,对原始资料的依赖程度远远低于对学校事务的强烈考虑,更广泛地说,1960年以前的事件。刘易斯认为大规模抵抗运动有三个阶段的演变,每个阶段都不是严格按照时间顺序排列的,而是根据特定抵抗组织的观点和方法来区分的,或者在特定时间最活跃的组织。刘易斯认为,在1954年5月布朗决定宣布学校种族隔离为非法之后,当州领导人咆哮和挣扎时,公民委员会等基层组织抓住了主动权,承担了反对的责任。1956年3月《南方宣言》的出现不仅标志着对南方生活方式更为成熟的知识分子的捍卫,而且标志着一段立法活力的时期,旨在挫败地方激进主义和联邦对传统州责任的侵犯,这违反了宪法第十修正案的规定。…
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Massive Resistance: The White Response to the Civil Rights Movement
Massive Resistance: The White Response to the Civil Rights Movement. By George Lewis. (London: Hodder Arnold, 2006. Pp. vi, 254. Acknowledgments, notes, select bibliography, index. $29.95, paper.) Over the last twenty years, studies of the civil rights movement have been hugely enhanced by a change of focus from national protest organizations and their leaders to local groups and unsung community activists. Scholars such as John Dittmer, Charles Payne, and J. Mills Thornton III have demonstrated that the movement was a much more diverse and variegated phenomenon than earlier research suggested. Lewis's work represents a belated but comparable trend in examinations of the movement's opponents. Massive resistance, he concludes, was such "a multi-headed Hydra" that "[i]t is . . . essential to envision [it] not as a single homogeneous movement but as a conglomeration of concomitant conversations of resistance" (pp. 8, 185). Drawing on a solid range of secondary literature, his own knowledge of border-state archival resources, and the "White Resistance and Reprisals" reels of the microfilmed papers of the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People, Lewis treats the development of massive resistance as a multifaceted evolution, from its first mention by Virginia senator Harry Flood Byrd in February 1956 to the rebirth of many of its less overtly racist ideas in national neoconservative discourse from the mid-1960s. Although he extends the notion of massive resistance beyond its common association with school desegregation to include campaigns against the civil rights movement at large, his treatment of events in such theaters as Albany, Georgia, Oxford, Mississippi, and Birmingham, Alabama is more limited and much less dependent on primary sources than the robust consideration of school matters and, more broadly, events before 1960. Lewis argues for a three-phase evolution of massive resistance, with each phase not so much strictly chronological as distinguished by the outlook and methods of the particular resistance group or groups most active at a given time. In the wake of the May 1954 Brown decision outlawing school segregation, Lewis suggests, while state leaders blustered and floundered, grassroots organizations such as the citizens' councils seized the initiative and carried the burden of opposition. The appearance of the Southern Manifesto in March 1956 signalled not only a more sophisticated intellectual defense of the southern way of life but also a period of legislative vigor designed to thwart both local activism and what was seen to be federal intrusion into traditional state responsibilities, contrary to the provisions of the Tenth Amendment to the Constitution. …
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The Cotton Plantation South since the Civil War “Dedicated People” Little Rock Central High School’s Teachers during the Integration Crisis of 1957–1958 Prosperity and Peril: Arkansas in the New South, 1880–1900 “Between the Hawk & Buzzard”:
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