种族统治:从奴隶制到现在阿肯色州的黑人/白人关系

M. Newman
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引用次数: 4

摘要

种族统治:从奴隶制到现在阿肯色州的黑人/白人关系。格里夫·斯托克利著。费耶特维尔:阿肯色大学出版社,2008。第23页,530页。插图、致谢、注释、参考书目、索引。34.95美元)。格里夫·斯托克利(grifff Stockley)仔细研究和清晰撰写的研究报告的两个主题是,阿肯色州一直并将继续受到“种族统治”,即使在民权运动之前,非洲裔美国人在面对歧视时也不是被动的。作为一名公民自由律师,斯托克利显然致力于平等和正义,但作为一名历史学家,他仔细权衡了相互矛盾的证据和解释,得出了一个见多见多、细致入细的叙述。这本书在很大程度上是一本综合著作,收录了大量其他历史学家的引文,但也包括了原始材料,并利用了作者自己对民权时代的研究。虽然奴隶制在阿肯色州的领土和州内只存在了46年,但斯托克利认为,它建立了一种基于经济剥削的白人至上模式,也产生了“基于白人血统、肤色和阶级的种族等级秩序……这不仅会深刻地影响白人和黑人之间的种族关系,也会影响黑人自己之间的关系,”包括“黑人种族主义和黑人自我仇恨”(第18页)。这本书以讨论奴隶对自己生活的看法开始。虽然斯托克利意识到他们的局限性,但他大量引用了20世纪30年代联邦作家项目对前奴隶的采访,给了他们一个发言权。这些描述往往令人痛心,揭示了奴隶制的残酷和不人道,但斯托克利也注意到多样性,包括前奴隶对他们曾经的主人表达了感情。在简要评估了历史编纂的处理方法后,他明智地总结道:“尽管奴隶们试图通过自己的行为来影响他们的待遇,有时也成功了,但奴隶制最终还是掌握在白人手中”(第23页)。斯托克利观察到,三角洲地区的奴隶主将奴隶制视为一项经济事业。奴隶制和通过种植棉花来追求财富是1861年阿肯色州白人支持脱离联邦的核心原因。奴隶们逃到联邦阵线,但是解放运动让这些自由人在很大程度上任由种植园主摆布,尽管重建时期的改革给予了黑人投票权和一些政治职位,但种植园主仍在继续剥削和惩罚他们。小石城见证了居民的融合,商业上的种族融合一直持续到19世纪90年代,到那时,种族隔离和剥夺非裔美国人的公民权在该州根深蒂固。随着情况的恶化,一些农村黑人移民到利比里亚,20世纪初,非裔美国人在温泉、小石城和派恩布拉夫进行了短暂的抵制,反对新的种族隔离法。…
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Ruled by Race: Black/White Relations in Arkansas from Slavery to the Present
Ruled by Race: Black/White Relations in Arkansas from Slavery to the Present. By Grif Stockley. (Fayetteville: University of Arkansas Press, 2008. Pp. xxiii, 530. Illustrations, acknowledgments, notes, bibliography, index. $34.95.) The twin themes of Grif Stockley's carefully researched and clearly written study are that Arkansans have been and continue to be "ruled by race" and that, even before the civil rights movement, African Americans were not passive in the face of discrimination. A civil liberties attorney, Stockley is manifestly committed to equality and justice, but as an historian he carefully weighs conflicting evidence and interpretations to produce an informed, nuanced account. Largely a synthesis, the book incorporates generous quotations from other historians but also includes primary material and makes use of the author's own research on the civil rights era. Although slavery existed in the territory and state of Arkansas for only forty-six years, Stockley argues it established a pattern of white supremacy based on economic exploitation that also produced "a racial pecking order based on white ancestry, skin color, and class . . . that would profoundly affect not only race relations between whites and blacks but those among blacks themselves," including "black racism and black selfhatred" (p. xviii). The book begins by discussing slaves' perspectives on their lives. While cognizant of their limitations, Stockley uses extensive quotations from interviews with former slaves conducted by the Federal Writers Project in the 1930s that give them a voice. These accounts are often harrowing, revealing the brutality and inhumanity of slavery, but Stockley also notes diversity, including former slaves who expressed affection for their one-time owners. After briefly assessing historiographical treatments, he judiciously concludes, "As much as slaves tried and sometimes were successful in influencing their treatment through their own behavior, slavery was ultimately in the hands of whites" (p. 23). Delta slaveholders, Stockley observes, treated slavery as an economic enterprise. Slavery and the pursuit of wealth through cotton cultivation lay at the heart of white Arkansan support for secession in 1861. Slaves ran away to Union lines, but emancipation left the freedmen largely at the mercy of planters who continued to exploit and punish them despite Reconstruction reforms that accorded blacks voting rights and some political officeholding. Little Rock saw residential integration, and interracial mixing in business continued until the 1890s, by which time segregation and disfranchisement of African Americans took hold in the state. As conditions worsened, some rural blacks migrated to Liberia, and in the early twentieth century African Americans mounted shortlived boycotts against new segregation laws in Hot Springs, Little Rock, and Pine Bluff. …
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