《失去美国的人:英国的领导、美国革命和帝国的命运

Q3 Arts and Humanities Parameters Pub Date : 2013-12-22 DOI:10.5860/choice.51-2282
James D. Scudieri
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It is a somewhat harder task to challenge the conventional wisdom that the British loss was due to \"incompetence and mediocre leadership,\" both political and military. The author packages the monograph in nine biographical chapters, examining ten British leaders at policy, strategic, and theater strategic/operational levels, in sequence: King George III; Lord North as prime minister; the Howe brothers, Admiral Lord Richard and Lieutenant General Sir William; Major General John Burgoyne; Lord George Germain, Secretary of State for the Colonies, a third Secretary of State created in 1768; Lieutenant General Sir Henry Clinton; Major General Charles, 1st Marquis Cornwallis; Admiral Sir George Rodney; and John Montague, Earl of Sandwich, as First Lord of the Admiralty. 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He believes the \"most fundamental miscalculation\" of these senior leaders was the belief that Loyalists constituted a majority of the population in America. Moreover, these same leaders did not understand the changes that took place in the war's nature. Its length, seeming without end, increased popular antipathy toward British military presence. Significantly, O'Shaughnessy cites the Declaration of Independence as a seminal document for genuine, revolutionary change: a radical republican creed which beckoned a better future. Furthermore, in current terms, he sees a serious imbalance in ends, ways, and means. He highlights the major aspects of the post-war drawdown after 1748, following the end of the War of Austrian Succession. He concludes that both the Royal Navy and British Army were too small for the task at hand. 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引用次数: 13

摘要

《失去美国的人:英国的领导、美国革命和帝国的命运》作者:安德鲁·杰克逊·奥肖内西纽黑文,康涅狄格州:耶鲁大学出版社,2013年,466页$30.00[插图略]这本书在英国全球战略决策的背景下,对英国失去美洲殖民地,即1775年至1783年的美国革命进行了令人欢迎的重新评估。这个话题并不新鲜。作者安德鲁·杰克逊·奥肖内西将皮尔斯·麦克西的《为美国而战,1775-1783》(1964年,1992年重印)放在了《承认》的第一页上,强调了麦克西的信念,即战争是可以打赢的,但失败的原因之一是糟糕的指挥能力。奥肖内西明确指出,美国的胜利并非不可避免。传统观点认为,英国的失败是由于政治和军事上的“无能和平庸的领导”,要挑战这一观点,难度要大一些。作者将这本专著打包成9个传记章节,依次考察了10位英国领导人在政策、战略和战区战略/作战层面的情况:国王乔治三世;诺斯勋爵出任首相;豪兄弟、海军上将理查德勋爵和中将威廉爵士;约翰·伯戈因少将;乔治·热尔曼勋爵,殖民地事务大臣,1768年任命的第三任大臣;亨利·克林顿中将;查尔斯少将,第一代康沃利斯侯爵;海军上将乔治·罗德尼爵士;桑威奇伯爵约翰·蒙塔古被任命为第一海军部大臣。这部作品描绘了高级领导人与一系列前所未有的问题作斗争,用作者的话来说就是“如此巨大的障碍”。他在18世纪的大背景下解释了他们的决策;英国国家的性质、现存的政治制度及其进程;全球战略;最后是军事力量的本质,陆地和海军。例如,尽管英国历史上曾出现过罗伯特·沃波尔爵士(Sir Robert Walpole)的内阁,但奥肖内西强调了当时英国政府仍在进化的本质,尤其是逐步发展成为真正的内阁政府,拥有集体部长责任。他的解释并非没有争议,至少就目前确保政治生存的做法导致集体庇护的行为而言。他认为,这些高级领导人“最根本的误判”是,他们认为保皇派占美国人口的大多数。此外,这些领导人不了解战争性质发生的变化。它的长度,似乎没有尽头,增加了民众对英国军事存在的反感。值得注意的是,奥肖内西引用《独立宣言》作为真正的革命性变革的开创性文件:一种激进的共和信条,预示着更美好的未来。此外,就目前而言,他看到了目的、方式和手段的严重失衡。他强调了1748年奥地利王位继承战争结束后战后军队缩减的主要方面。他的结论是,皇家海军和英国陆军都太小,无法完成手头的任务。后者根本缺乏征服和占领美国殖民地的力量,特别是考虑到爱国者部队迅速控制了既定机构,这进一步凸显了保皇派的弱点。对军事力量的多重需求加剧了这种不平衡。奥肖内西反复提醒读者要理解英国的全球责任。针对美国十三个殖民地的战争同时发生在加拿大、加勒比地区、印度和欧洲本身。从1778年开始,由于法国和其他国家积极干预战争,这些剧院变得迫在眉睫。…
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The Men Who Lost America: British Leadership, the American Revolution, and the Fate of the Empire
The Men Who Lost America: British Leadership, the American Revolution, and the Fate of the Empire By Andrew Jackson O'Shaughnessy New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 2013 466 pages $30.00 [ILLUSTRATION OMITTED] This work provides a welcome reappraisal of the British loss of their American colonies, i.e., the American Revolution during 1775-83, in the context of British global strategic decisionmaking. The subject is not new. Author Andrew Jackson O'Shaughnessy credits Piers Mackesy, The War for America, 1775-1783 (1964, reprinted 1992), on the first page of the Acknowledgment, highlighting Mackesy's belief that the war was winnable but was lost to poor generalship, among other things. O'Shaughnessy states clearly that American victory was not inevitable. It is a somewhat harder task to challenge the conventional wisdom that the British loss was due to "incompetence and mediocre leadership," both political and military. The author packages the monograph in nine biographical chapters, examining ten British leaders at policy, strategic, and theater strategic/operational levels, in sequence: King George III; Lord North as prime minister; the Howe brothers, Admiral Lord Richard and Lieutenant General Sir William; Major General John Burgoyne; Lord George Germain, Secretary of State for the Colonies, a third Secretary of State created in 1768; Lieutenant General Sir Henry Clinton; Major General Charles, 1st Marquis Cornwallis; Admiral Sir George Rodney; and John Montague, Earl of Sandwich, as First Lord of the Admiralty. The work features senior leaders wrestling with an unprecedented set of problems, in the author's words "obstacles of such magnitude." He explains their decisionmaking in the overall context of the eighteenth century; the nature of the English state, extant political institutions, and their processes; global strategy; and ultimately the nature of the military element of power, land and naval. For example, despite the previously showcased ministry of Sir Robert Walpole in British history, O'Shaughnessy underlines the as-yet evolutionary nature of English government at the time, especially the gradual development of true cabinet government with collective ministerial responsibility. His interpretation is not without controversy, at least insofar as extant practice to ensure political survival resulted in conduct for collective shielding. He believes the "most fundamental miscalculation" of these senior leaders was the belief that Loyalists constituted a majority of the population in America. Moreover, these same leaders did not understand the changes that took place in the war's nature. Its length, seeming without end, increased popular antipathy toward British military presence. Significantly, O'Shaughnessy cites the Declaration of Independence as a seminal document for genuine, revolutionary change: a radical republican creed which beckoned a better future. Furthermore, in current terms, he sees a serious imbalance in ends, ways, and means. He highlights the major aspects of the post-war drawdown after 1748, following the end of the War of Austrian Succession. He concludes that both the Royal Navy and British Army were too small for the task at hand. The latter simply lacked the strength to conquer and occupy the American colonies, especially given the alacrity with which Patriot forces had taken control of established institutions, further underlining Loyalist weaknesses. Multiple demands upon military power exacerbated this imbalance. O'Shaughnessy repeatedly reminds readers to comprehend Britain's global responsibilities. War against the thirteen American colonies occurred with simultaneous concerns for Canada, the Caribbean, India, and Europe itself. These other theaters became ones of pressing urgency with French and others' active intervention in the war from 1778. …
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