发动战争:联盟、联盟和国家间暴力的机构

Q3 Arts and Humanities Parameters Pub Date : 2014-12-22 DOI:10.5860/choice.52-0522
Russell A. Burgos
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引用次数: 38

摘要

《发动战争:联盟、联盟和州际暴力的机构》Patricia A. Weitsman帕洛阿尔托,加州:斯坦福大学出版社,2014年,279页$27.95。他们引入了对本国政治的考虑,这些考虑都与当前的问题没有丝毫关系,但他们最令人讨厌的特点是,他们似乎无法认识到我们的观点是多么合理、多么明智、多么有经验。”陆军元帅威廉·j·斯利姆(二战期间英国第14军指挥官)的日记在《发动战争》一书中,帕特里夏·a·韦茨曼认为,我们对已故军事历史学家拉塞尔·威格利著名的“美国战争方式”的理解需要被带入21世纪。威格利声称歼灭——摧毁敌人的武装力量并(理想情况下)占领他的首都——是美国的基本战争战略。欧洲大国紧紧遵循克劳塞维茨(clausewitz)对战争的理解,认为战争是外交以其他方式的延续——这是嵌入微妙的大陆权力平衡中的民族国家的必要限制——而美国则将战争视为外交的一种暴力间歇:我们谈判,我们战斗,我们再次谈判,按照我们的条件达成和平。威格利的论点与20世纪的“美国例外论”和战略单边主义的概念非常吻合。然而,对韦茨曼来说,这是它的主要弱点:事实上,美国并不是简单地按照自己的条件制造战争(或和平)。美国处于一个由全球联盟、联盟和各种机构组成的网络之中,这些机构既赋予美国权力,又制约着它的权力。因此,韦茨曼认为,美国的战争方式是深刻的多边主义——深刻的政治。“多边主义的准则,”她写道,“在美国发动战争的方式中根深蒂固。”这意味着美国的政策制定者和战略家必须在战争的各个阶段考虑到其盟友和联盟伙伴的目标、目的和反对意见——妥协可能而且经常会使政策制定者、公众舆论甚至美国战争本身的行为受挫。《发动战争》并不是一本关于联合战争的作战方面的书,尽管人们可以从韦茨曼的案例研究中获得一些见解。她的书对国际关系和安全研究学科中关于联盟和联盟的学术辩论做出了贡献,结果可能会让那些对联盟和联盟战争的操作或政治军事动态感兴趣的专业人士感到沮丧。韦茨曼在她所谓的“现实主义制度主义”的背景下构建了她的论点,试图弥合国际关系理论的两大主导流派之间的鸿沟——强调利益的现实主义和强调正式和非正式国际机构的新自由主义——表明军事联盟和联盟不仅限制了美国在战争中的战略行动,而且促进了美国在全球范围内行使霸权。…
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Waging War: Alliances, Coalitions, and Institutions of Interstate Violence
Waging War: Alliances, Coalitions, and Institutions of Interstate Violence By Patricia A. Weitsman Palo Alto, CA: Standford University Press, 2014 279 pages $27.95 [ILLUSTRATION OMITTED] Allies are the most aggravating of people. They introduce considerations of their own nationalpolitics, none of which have the faintest bearing on the matter of immediate issue [but] their most annoying characteristic is the astonishing way they seem incapable of recognising how sound, how wise, how experienced are our views." Diary of Field-Marshal William J. Slim, commander of the British 14th Army in World War II In Waging War, Patricia A. Weitsman argues our understanding of what the late military historian Russell Weigley famously called "the American way of war" needs to be brought into the 21st-century. Weigley claimed annihilation--destroying the enemy's armed forces and (ideally) occupying his capital--was the basic American strategy in war. While European great powers hewed closely to the Clausewitzian understanding of war as a continuation of diplomacy by other means--a necessary limitation for nation-states embedded in a delicate continental balance of power--the United States approached war as kind of violent intermission to diplomacy: we negotiate, we fight, we negotiate again, making peace on our terms. Weigley's thesis cohered nicely with 20th-century notions of "American Exceptionalism" and strategic unilateralism. To Weitsman, however, that is its principal weakness: in fact, the United States doesn't simply make war (or peace) on its terms. America is embedded in a network of global alliances, coalitions, and institutions simultaneously enabling and constraining its power. As a result, Weitsman argues, the American way of war is profoundly multilateral --profoundly political. "The norm of multilateralism," she writes, "is entrenched in the American way of waging war." This means American policymakers and strategists must take into consideration the goals, objectives, and objections of its allies and coalition partners at all stages of war fighting--compromises can, and often do, frustrate policymakers, public opinion, and even the conduct of America's wars themselves. Waging War is not a book about the operational aspects of coalition warfare, though one can glean some insights from Weitsman's case studies. Her book is a contribution to scholarly debates about alliances and coalitions within the international relations and security studies disciplines and as a result may frustrate those professionally interested in the operational or political-military dynamics of alliance and coalition warfare. Weitsman frames her argument in the context of what she calls "realist institutionalism," attempting to bridge the gap between the two dominant strands of International Relations theorizing--realism, with its emphasis on interests, and neoliberalism, with its emphasis on formal and informal international institutions--showing military alliances and coalitions not only constrain America's strategic operations in war but also facilitate the exercising of American hegemonic power across the globe. …
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