什么时候威权选举具有竞争性?圣彼得堡立法议会选举的案例

D. A. Kozmin
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引用次数: 0

摘要

专制政权的选举通常被定义为“不公平和缺乏竞争性”,但这总是正确的吗?作者认为,在该地区精英群体的异质性和他们之间出现冲突的情况下,区域选举成为政治制度中相互竞争的行动者的“对抗舞台”。为了验证这一说法,使用了2021年圣彼得堡立法议会选举中25个单一席位选区的选举结果和竞选活动特征的数据。运用定性比较分析(QCA)的方法,证实了精英群体存在冲突的假设。如果市政府“批准”了在野党的候选人,而不是执政党的候选人,如果前任选区议员在同一选区没有连任,那么选举就是竞争性的,特定候选人的胜利是不可预测的。通过分析,还确定了候选人数量和高投票率等选举竞争力因素。因此,在地区精英之间发生冲突的情况下,专制选举履行了其最初的功能:作为各种政治团体竞争斗争的平台。
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WHEN ARE AUTHORITARIAN ELECTIONS COMPETITIVE? THE CASE OF ST. PETERSBURG'S LEGISLATIVE ASSEMBLY ELECTIONS
Elections in authoritarian regimes are commonly defined as “unfair and uncompetitive,” but is it always true? The author argues that in the case of the heterogeneity of elite groups in the region and the emergence of a conflict among them, regional elections become an "arena for confrontation" for competing actors of the political system. To test this assertion, data on the results of elections and the characteristics of election campaigns in 25 single-member districts in the elections to the Legislative Assembly of St. Petersburg in 2021 are used. With the method of qualitative comparative analysis (QCA), the hypothesis of the existing conflict among elite groups is confirmed. In case the city administration "approved" a candidate from the opposition party instead of the ruling one, and also if the previous deputy in the district is not re-elected in the same district, the elections are competitive, and the victory of a particular candidate is unpredictable. As a result of the analysis, such factors of election competitiveness as the number of candidates on the ballot and high turnout are also identified. Thus, in the event of a conflict between regional elites, authoritarian elections fulfill their original function: serve as platforms for the competitive struggle of various political groups.
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