书评——外交政策从国内开始:整顿美国国内秩序的理由

Q3 Economics, Econometrics and Finance Cato Journal Pub Date : 2014-03-22 DOI:10.1163/2468-1733_shafr_sim290020027
Travis Evans
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In Foreign Policy Begins at Home, Haass attempts to reverse American defeatism and assuage fears of American decline, arguing instead that the United States is simply underperforming, suffering from \"American made\" problems that can be corrected by restoring the \"foundations of its power.\" He explains that America's true strength abroad comes from its strength at home, and if America is to provide global leadership it \"must first put its house in order.\" While much of Foreign Policy focuses on policy prescriptions that would restore American strength, the true contribution of the book is its explanation of why such a strategy is needed. Haass uses the opening chapters to convince readers that American leadership abroad is essential because, to Haass, it is the only option. Only America has the \"capacity, habits, and willingness\" necessary to lead in a nonpolar world in which the \"potential for disorder is considerable.\" Other nations lack the ability, the desire, or both, to do so. While Haass overstates the looming dangers of a nonpolar world, he correctly describes it as a forgiving place from America's perspective. Even after two prolonged \"wars of choice,\" an economic crisis, and poor leadership and mismanagement from Washington, the United States holds considerable advantages over other nations: the strongest military, the largest economy, a stable political system, a commitment to the rule of law, and an abundance of natural resources--to name a few. And when you consider the difficulties facing other nations--the frailty of China's economy and political system, Russia's dependence on petrodollars, Europe's general economic malaise and disjointed structure, Japan's aging population, and India's corruption and lack of critical infrastructure--it is clear that a direct challenge to America is unlikely. Haass is correct, the United States faces no existential threats. The countries often cited as potential rivals to America are more concerned with internal issues, and they currently lack the ability to project power over great distances. Moreover, according to Haass, those countries are dependent on the international system for their own well-being and are therefore \"disinclined to attempt to disrupt an order that serves their national purposes.\" Thus, Haass asserts, America has the space to fix what ails it, and it should take advantage of the opportunity to revamp both its domestic and foreign policy strategies because \"changing just one would be desirable but insufficient.\" America must rebuild at home and refocus abroad, a strategy Haass calls \"restoration.\" For Haass, a foreign policy of restoration would require America to be much more restrained in how it acts abroad, relying more on diplomatic and economic means to influence others rather than military means. America would avoid nation building, wars of choice, and would focus its resources on areas where U.S. interests are most vital--namely, the Asia-Pacific and the Western Hemisphere (and away from the Middle East). It would work with others to promote trade and foreign investment, fight terrorism, and deal with issues emanating from weak states. And it would largely disavow faux doctrines of democracy promotion, humanitarianism, and counterterrorism, instead taking on such missions only when costs are low and probability of success is high. 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Many think America's better days are behind it. Richard Haass, the president of the Council on Foreign Relations, disagrees. In Foreign Policy Begins at Home, Haass attempts to reverse American defeatism and assuage fears of American decline, arguing instead that the United States is simply underperforming, suffering from \\\"American made\\\" problems that can be corrected by restoring the \\\"foundations of its power.\\\" He explains that America's true strength abroad comes from its strength at home, and if America is to provide global leadership it \\\"must first put its house in order.\\\" While much of Foreign Policy focuses on policy prescriptions that would restore American strength, the true contribution of the book is its explanation of why such a strategy is needed. Haass uses the opening chapters to convince readers that American leadership abroad is essential because, to Haass, it is the only option. Only America has the \\\"capacity, habits, and willingness\\\" necessary to lead in a nonpolar world in which the \\\"potential for disorder is considerable.\\\" Other nations lack the ability, the desire, or both, to do so. While Haass overstates the looming dangers of a nonpolar world, he correctly describes it as a forgiving place from America's perspective. Even after two prolonged \\\"wars of choice,\\\" an economic crisis, and poor leadership and mismanagement from Washington, the United States holds considerable advantages over other nations: the strongest military, the largest economy, a stable political system, a commitment to the rule of law, and an abundance of natural resources--to name a few. 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引用次数: 0

摘要

理查德·n·哈斯(Richard N. Haass):《外交政策从国内开始:整顿美国国内秩序的理由》纽约:基础书籍出版社,2013年,208页。在过去十年的大部分时间里,美国陷入了平庸的境地,勉强适应于一种新的常态:低经济增长、停滞的工资、政治上的不妥协,以及无休止的战争或恐怖。许多人认为美国的好日子已经过去了。美国外交关系委员会主席理查德·哈斯不同意这种说法。在《外交政策从国内开始》一书中,哈斯试图扭转美国的失败主义,减轻人们对美国衰落的恐惧,相反,他认为美国只是表现不佳,受到“美国制造”问题的困扰,这些问题可以通过恢复“其权力的基础”来纠正。他解释说,美国在国外的真正实力来自于它在国内的实力,如果美国要在全球发挥领导作用,它“必须首先把自己的房子收拾好”。虽然《外交政策》的大部分内容都聚焦于恢复美国实力的政策处方,但这本书的真正贡献在于它解释了为什么需要这样的战略。哈斯用开篇的章节来说服读者,美国在海外的领导地位是必不可少的,因为对哈斯来说,这是唯一的选择。只有美国有能力、习惯和意愿领导一个“无序的可能性相当大”的无极世界。其他国家缺乏这样做的能力或愿望,或者两者兼而有之。虽然哈斯夸大了一个无极世界的潜在危险,但从美国的角度来看,他正确地将其描述为一个宽容的地方。即使在经历了两次旷日持久的“选择战争”、一场经济危机、华盛顿的领导不力和管理不善之后,美国仍比其他国家拥有相当大的优势:最强大的军事力量、最大的经济体、稳定的政治体系、对法治的承诺以及丰富的自然资源——仅举几例。当你考虑到其他国家所面临的困难——中国脆弱的经济和政治体制,俄罗斯对石油美元的依赖,欧洲普遍的经济萎靡和脱节的结构,日本的人口老龄化,以及印度的腐败和缺乏关键的基础设施——很明显,对美国的直接挑战是不可能的。哈斯是对的,美国没有面临生存威胁。那些经常被认为是美国潜在竞争对手的国家更关心的是国内问题,它们目前缺乏远距离投送力量的能力。此外,根据哈斯的说法,这些国家为了自身的利益依赖于国际体系,因此“不愿试图破坏为其国家目的服务的秩序”。因此,哈斯断言,美国有空间解决困扰它的问题,它应该利用这个机会修改其国内和外交政策战略,因为“只改变一个是可取的,但还不够”。美国必须在国内重建,在国外重新聚焦,哈斯称之为“重建”战略。哈斯认为,恢复外交政策需要美国在海外行动上更加克制,更多地依靠外交和经济手段来影响他人,而不是军事手段。美国将避免国家建设和战争的选择,并将其资源集中在美国利益最重要的地区——即亚太和西半球(远离中东)。它将与其他国家合作,促进贸易和外国投资,打击恐怖主义,并处理来自弱国的问题。而且,它将在很大程度上否定民主推广、人道主义和反恐等虚假教义,而只在成本低、成功可能性高的情况下承担此类任务。然而,哈斯的其他一些外交政策建议似乎与他明智的克制处方不一致。...
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Book Review -- Foreign Policy Begins at Home: The Case for Putting America's House in Order
Foreign Policy Begins at Home: The Case for Putting America's House in Order Richard N. Haass New York: Basic Books, 2013, 208 pp. For the better part of a decade, the United States has been mired in mediocrity, settling for what feels like a new normal of low economic growth, stagnant wages, political intransigence, and an unending war or terror. Many think America's better days are behind it. Richard Haass, the president of the Council on Foreign Relations, disagrees. In Foreign Policy Begins at Home, Haass attempts to reverse American defeatism and assuage fears of American decline, arguing instead that the United States is simply underperforming, suffering from "American made" problems that can be corrected by restoring the "foundations of its power." He explains that America's true strength abroad comes from its strength at home, and if America is to provide global leadership it "must first put its house in order." While much of Foreign Policy focuses on policy prescriptions that would restore American strength, the true contribution of the book is its explanation of why such a strategy is needed. Haass uses the opening chapters to convince readers that American leadership abroad is essential because, to Haass, it is the only option. Only America has the "capacity, habits, and willingness" necessary to lead in a nonpolar world in which the "potential for disorder is considerable." Other nations lack the ability, the desire, or both, to do so. While Haass overstates the looming dangers of a nonpolar world, he correctly describes it as a forgiving place from America's perspective. Even after two prolonged "wars of choice," an economic crisis, and poor leadership and mismanagement from Washington, the United States holds considerable advantages over other nations: the strongest military, the largest economy, a stable political system, a commitment to the rule of law, and an abundance of natural resources--to name a few. And when you consider the difficulties facing other nations--the frailty of China's economy and political system, Russia's dependence on petrodollars, Europe's general economic malaise and disjointed structure, Japan's aging population, and India's corruption and lack of critical infrastructure--it is clear that a direct challenge to America is unlikely. Haass is correct, the United States faces no existential threats. The countries often cited as potential rivals to America are more concerned with internal issues, and they currently lack the ability to project power over great distances. Moreover, according to Haass, those countries are dependent on the international system for their own well-being and are therefore "disinclined to attempt to disrupt an order that serves their national purposes." Thus, Haass asserts, America has the space to fix what ails it, and it should take advantage of the opportunity to revamp both its domestic and foreign policy strategies because "changing just one would be desirable but insufficient." America must rebuild at home and refocus abroad, a strategy Haass calls "restoration." For Haass, a foreign policy of restoration would require America to be much more restrained in how it acts abroad, relying more on diplomatic and economic means to influence others rather than military means. America would avoid nation building, wars of choice, and would focus its resources on areas where U.S. interests are most vital--namely, the Asia-Pacific and the Western Hemisphere (and away from the Middle East). It would work with others to promote trade and foreign investment, fight terrorism, and deal with issues emanating from weak states. And it would largely disavow faux doctrines of democracy promotion, humanitarianism, and counterterrorism, instead taking on such missions only when costs are low and probability of success is high. Some of Haass's other foreign policy suggestions, however, seem to be at odds with his wise prescription of restraint. …
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