马达加斯加东北部的铁冶金:11至15世纪之间拉斯卡伊冶金生产的研究

IF 1.1 2区 历史学 0 ARCHAEOLOGY Azania-Archaeological Research in Africa Pub Date : 2023-01-02 DOI:10.1080/0067270X.2023.2180635
M. Morel
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引用次数: 0

摘要

在中世纪,一群被称为拉斯卡伊人的人定居在马达加斯加东北海岸。20世纪上半叶发掘出的沃哈萨玛墓地的一些坟墓里,有来自中国、印度或波斯的进口商品,证明了这一人口与印度洋贸易网络有联系。对这一群体的研究还不够充分,对他们的物质文化和生活方式知之甚少。早在考古文献中就有马达加斯加东北部存在铁渣的记载,但没有进行深入的研究。因此,这个博士项目的目的是描述和更好地理解这些冶金残留物和相关的技术传统。2017年至2021年间进行了三次挖掘活动和四次额外的调查活动,彻底更新了我们对马达加斯加这一地区的认识。大约有150个矿渣堆分布在20个地点,约有450吨矿渣。然而,这些地点集中在研究区域的南半部,从而定义了一个空间上划分的冶金区。通过放射性碳测定,冶金生产可以追溯到公元11世纪到14世纪之间。在此之前,拉斯卡伊人已经知道并使用铁制工具,但他们通过印度洋贸易进口了这种金属。实地工作和实验室工作相结合的方法,使冶金实践得以重建,尽管脆弱和保存不良的遗骸。拉斯卡伊的技术传统是把一个简单的椭圆形碗形的炉子直接挖进沙质底层,没有任何粘土衬里。也找不到粘土上层建筑。然而,小墙是用松散的沙子建造的,有时用一些石块加固。沙墙里有一个由石头或粘土制成的单一风口,与风箱相连。红土矿石在这些小结构中被还原成铁含量非常高的含铁凝块。当产生的矿渣超过了水池的容量时,矿渣通过在沙子中挖的小通道排出。这一技术传统在整个冶金区都得到遵守。然而,每个地点都略有不同,这表明了技术的局部适应,可能取决于原材料的可用性,例如制造风口。详细的化学(XRF)和矿物学(XRD,光学显微镜和SEM-EDS)研究表明,矿渣成分具有很高的变异性。这种变化部分是由于沙子的高污染,这是熔炉的建筑材料。质量平衡计算也表明,铁产量在不同的冶炼工序之间是不规律的。在某些情况下,冶炼作业甚至失败,根本生产不出铁。这种技术似乎控制得很差,尽管熔炉的结构肯定不允许完全控制每一个冶炼操作。然而,这种差异使我们相信冶金学家不是专业工人,只是在金属用完的时候偶尔生产铁。这显然不是大规模生产,而是小规模生产,偶尔会有冶炼活动,以满足当地的铁需求。最后,对这种不同寻常的技术传统的起源进行了反思。由于拉斯卡伊人与印度洋上的其他族群有接触,技术转让可能已经发生。在这种情况下,在印度洋的其他地方也可以找到类似的技术。到目前为止,在考古、历史或人种学资料中还没有类似的技术记录。因此,拉斯卡伊人有可能从锻造技术中重新发明了一种基本的冶炼技术。
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Iron metallurgy in northeastern Madagascar: a study of Rasikajy metallurgical production between the 11th and 15th century
In medieval times, a population the so-called Rasikajy was settled on the northeastern coast of Madagascar. This population was in contact with the Indian Ocean trading network, as attested by the presence of imported goods from China, India or Persia in some tombs in the necropolis of Vohémar, excavated in the first half of the 20th century. This population remains under-studied and little is known about their material culture or their way of life. The presence of iron slag in northeastern Madagascar has long been documented in archaeological literature, but no in-depth study had been carried out. The aims of this doctoral project were therefore to describe and better understand these metallurgical remains and the associated technical tradition. Three excavation campaigns and four additional survey campaigns were carried out between 2017 and 2021, completely renewing our knowledge on this area of Madagascar. Approximately 150 slag heaps spread over twenty locations have been described, representing about 450 tons of slag. However, these sites are concentrated in the southern half of the study area, thus defining a spatially delimited metallurgical district. The metallurgical production could be dated by radiocarbon dating to between the 11th and 14th century CE. Before this period, the Rasikajy already knew and used iron tools, but they imported this metal via the Indian Ocean trade. The combined approach of fieldwork and laboratory work has enabled the reconstruction of metallurgical practices, despite the fragile and poorly preserved remains. The Rasikajy technical tradition used a furnace in the form of a simple elliptical bowl dug directly into the sandy substratum, without any clay lining. No clay superstructure could be identified either. However, small walls were built of loose sand, sometimes reinforced with a few stone blocks. A single tuyere, made of stone or clay, was set into this sandy wall and connected to bellows. Lateritic ores, in the form of ferruginous concretions with remarkably high iron content, were reduced in these small structures. When an excess of slag was produced for the capacity of the bassin, the slag was drained off through a small channel dug in the sand. This technical tradition is observed throughout the metallurgical district. However, each site is slightly different, which shows a local adaptation of the technique, probably depending on the availability of raw materials, e.g. to make the tuyere. An detailed chemical (XRF) and mineralogical (XRD, optical microscopy and SEM-EDS) study revealed a high variability in slag composition. This variability is partly due to a high contamination of sand, which is the construction material of the furnace. Mass balance calculations also show that iron production was irregular from one smelting operation to another. In some cases smelting operations even failed, producing no iron at all. The technique appears to be poorly controlled, although the structure of the furnace certainly does not allow for complete control of each smelting operation. However, the variability is such that we believe that the metallurgists were non-specialised workers, producing iron only occasionally when metal ran out. This is clearly not a mass production but rather a small-scale production with occasional smelting campaigns to meet local iron needs. Finally, a reflection on the origin of this unusual technical tradition has been carried out. As the Rasikajy were in contact with other populations in the Indian Ocean, a transfer of technology could have taken place. In this case, parallels of this technique would have been found elsewhere in the Indian Ocean. No similar technique has been documented so far in archaeological, historical or ethnographic sources. Hence, it is possible that the Rasikajy reinvented a basic smelting technique from smithing techniques.
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