凯特·斯金纳,2015年。英属多哥兰的自由果实:文学、政治和民族主义,1914-2014

Q3 Social Sciences African Studies Quarterly Pub Date : 2017-03-01 DOI:10.5860/choice.194003
Alison Okuda
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引用次数: 0

摘要

凯特·斯金纳,2015年。英属多哥兰的自由果实:文学、政治和民族主义,1914-2014。正如凯特·斯金纳在《英属多哥兰的自由果实》一书中所解释的那样,很少有人研究英属多哥兰与加纳统一后的持续后果。尽管斯金纳从丹尼斯·奥斯汀(Dennis Austin)在20世纪60年代出版的关于加纳-多哥争端的著作中受益,但她不同意大卫·布朗(David Brown)和保罗·纽金特(Paul Nugent)关于围绕多哥地位的冲突在20世纪70年代消失的观点(第169页)。这对斯金纳来说是一个启示,因为加纳2003-04年的民族和解委员会和科西·凯登2010年要求宪法审查,以纠正多哥兰一体化的历史。她认为,1957年英属多哥兰被并入加纳的方式对反对它的人们的生活和事业产生了长期影响。从对前活动人士或他们的孩子的采访中,斯金纳了解到,未能实现ablode(伊语中“自由”的意思)仍然是怨恨的根源。在争取自由的运动中,英属多哥积极分子为维持其托管领土的地位而斗争,以便直接向联合国提出与法属多哥兰共同独立的谈判。斯金纳透露,与法国领土重新统一的斗争与共同的民族语言母羊身份关系不大,因为大多数多哥兰人并不认同这种语言和祖先。相反,她考虑了多哥人是如何通过他们的过去,特别是在德国统治下的基础设施发展和暴力的经历,来想象公民身份的。英属多哥人声称与法属多哥兰拥有共同的历史,希望避免成为更大的独立的加纳的一个小地区。本书的前几章还集中讨论了德国殖民几十年后,英属多哥兰在20世纪30年代和40年代对大众扫盲的追求。在多哥兰很难接受高等教育,因为在主要城镇之外几乎没有学校。只有最聪明的学生才能在教学学院找到一个位置,继续他们的教育。斯金纳认为,教师之所以成为英属多哥兰的政治领袖,是因为他们有能力翻译和协商英国政府和多哥人民的要求。斯金纳在第四章展示了对地方、领土和国际问题的不同层面的关注如何共同导致了英属多哥语教师中的“政治世界主义”(p. ...)
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Kate Skinner. 2015. the Fruits of Freedom in British Togoland: Literacy, Politics and Nationalism, 1914-2014
Kate Skinner. 2015. The Fruits of Freedom in British Togoland: Literacy, Politics and Nationalism, 1914-2014. New York: Cambridge University Press. 298 pp. As Kate Skinner explains in The Fruits of Freedom in British Togoland, few people have examined the ongoing consequences of the unification of British Togoland with Ghana. Although Skinner benefits from the work on Togolese integration that has developed since Dennis Austin's 1960s publications on the Ghana-Togo dispute, she disagrees with David Brown and Paul Nugent that the conflict surrounding Togoland's status died down in the 1970s (p. 169). This came as a revelation to Skinner following Ghana's National Reconciliation Commission in 2003-04 and Kosi Kedem's 2010 petition for Constitutional Review to redress the history of Togoland's integration. She argues that the way in which British Togoland was integrated into Ghana in 1957 had a long-term impact on the lives and careers of the men and women who campaigned against it. From interviews with former activists or their children, Skinner learned that the failure to achieve ablode, the Ewe term for "freedom," remained a source of resentment. During their campaign for freedom, British Togolese activists fought to maintain their status as a Trust Territory in order to address the United Nations directly to negotiate for joint independence with French Togoland. Skinner reveals that the struggle to reunite with the French territory had less to do with a shared ethno-linguistic Ewe identity, as the majority of Togoland did not identify with this language and ancestry. Instead, she considers how Togolese people imagined citizenship through their past, particularly experiences of infrastructural development and violence under German rule. Claiming this shared history with French Togoland, the British Togolese wanted to avoid becoming a small region in the larger independent Ghana. These first chapters also center on the pursuit of mass literacy in British Togoland during the 1930s and 1940s, decades after German colonization. Higher education was difficult to pursue in Togoland, as there were few schools outside of the major towns. Only the brightest students could find a place in a teaching college and continue their education. Skinner argues that teachers became political leaders in British Togoland because of their ability to translate and negotiate the demands of the British government and the Togolese people. Skinner shows in Chapter 4 how attention to the different layers of local, territorial, and international issues together led to a "political cosmopolitanism" among British Togolese teachers (p. …
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African Studies Quarterly
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