{"title":"参数化任意结构","authors":"Diego Pescarini","doi":"10.1515/PROBUS-2017-0005","DOIUrl":null,"url":null,"abstract":"Abstract This article aims to reconsider some restrictions on the distribution of of the arbitrary si/se in Romance. The main theoretical tenet of the work is that the observed cross-linguistic variation results from a set of micro-parameters ruling the merging site of si/se and the agree relations occurring between si/se and probing elements such as v and T. In particular, the proposed model aims to account for languages allowing si/se to occur with unaccusative verbs, but not with passive, copular constructions, and with accusative clitics.","PeriodicalId":0,"journal":{"name":"","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2018-04-10","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":"1","resultStr":"{\"title\":\"Parametrising arbitrary constructions\",\"authors\":\"Diego Pescarini\",\"doi\":\"10.1515/PROBUS-2017-0005\",\"DOIUrl\":null,\"url\":null,\"abstract\":\"Abstract This article aims to reconsider some restrictions on the distribution of of the arbitrary si/se in Romance. The main theoretical tenet of the work is that the observed cross-linguistic variation results from a set of micro-parameters ruling the merging site of si/se and the agree relations occurring between si/se and probing elements such as v and T. In particular, the proposed model aims to account for languages allowing si/se to occur with unaccusative verbs, but not with passive, copular constructions, and with accusative clitics.\",\"PeriodicalId\":0,\"journal\":{\"name\":\"\",\"volume\":null,\"pages\":null},\"PeriodicalIF\":0.0,\"publicationDate\":\"2018-04-10\",\"publicationTypes\":\"Journal Article\",\"fieldsOfStudy\":null,\"isOpenAccess\":false,\"openAccessPdf\":\"\",\"citationCount\":\"1\",\"resultStr\":null,\"platform\":\"Semanticscholar\",\"paperid\":null,\"PeriodicalName\":\"\",\"FirstCategoryId\":\"98\",\"ListUrlMain\":\"https://doi.org/10.1515/PROBUS-2017-0005\",\"RegionNum\":0,\"RegionCategory\":null,\"ArticlePicture\":[],\"TitleCN\":null,\"AbstractTextCN\":null,\"PMCID\":null,\"EPubDate\":\"\",\"PubModel\":\"\",\"JCR\":\"\",\"JCRName\":\"\",\"Score\":null,\"Total\":0}","platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":null,"PeriodicalName":"","FirstCategoryId":"98","ListUrlMain":"https://doi.org/10.1515/PROBUS-2017-0005","RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":null,"ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":null,"EPubDate":"","PubModel":"","JCR":"","JCRName":"","Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract This article aims to reconsider some restrictions on the distribution of of the arbitrary si/se in Romance. The main theoretical tenet of the work is that the observed cross-linguistic variation results from a set of micro-parameters ruling the merging site of si/se and the agree relations occurring between si/se and probing elements such as v and T. In particular, the proposed model aims to account for languages allowing si/se to occur with unaccusative verbs, but not with passive, copular constructions, and with accusative clitics.