对罗马尼亚宗教和多元文化主义的一些反思:对传统语法的重新评价

IF 0.1 4区 社会学 Q4 POLITICAL SCIENCE Romanian Journal of Political Science Pub Date : 2010-01-01 DOI:10.1163/EJ.9789004158078.I-269.22
Silviu Rogobete
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引用次数: 7

摘要

摘要:本文讨论了罗马尼亚基督教传统的潜力,为多元文化主义的当代困境提供了建设性的答案。然而,要做到这一点,就需要对这一传统进行重新解读。我的工作的起点将是对后共产主义罗马尼亚宗教和种族问题的数据的概述。随后将评估与建立罗马尼亚当代社会的社会结构有关的主要趋势,特别强调对权威、差异性和对话的态度。传统在破坏和修复社会关系方面的模棱两可的潜力将被挑出来作为传统的一个重要特征。这本书将主张对基督教传统及其作用进行重新评估,呼吁对其复杂的多元语法进行重新解读。重点将放在将基督教及其隐含的传统视为一种睦邻宗教和一种爱的宗教,面向未来而不是过去,面向他人而不是自我,受到末世论希望的鼓舞而不是对固定教条的盲目忠诚。在方法上,我的论文将落在概念分析领域,部分由定量分析和辅助来源的数据提供信息。关键词:多元文化,基督教,传统,正统。********** 1。东欧的宗教:反对预言20世纪,至少在最初的七、八十年里,无疑以对宗教的强烈怀疑和怀疑为特征。所谓的“怀疑的先知”马克思、弗洛伊德和尼采,在某种程度上以不可磨灭的方式标志着我们的现代,他们不仅预言了这一点,而且预言了宗教时代的最终终结。对于这三个人来说,无论如何,随着人类“解放”的过程,有一件事是肯定的:宗教不可避免地、彻底地从我们的生活中消失。然而,随着时间的流逝,我们当前的环境似乎证明这种预测是完全错误的。在地方和全球层面,在西方和东方,在北半球和南半球,它都是错误的。9/11事件证明了全球范围的恐怖袭击,也证明了安东尼·吉登斯(Anthony Giddens)——一位对我们这个时代更为敏锐的解读者——所预测的潜在暴力现实。他用弗洛伊德的语言,宣布宗教的回归是“被压抑者的回归”。(2)宗教是有生命力的,而且将继续存在下去,这不仅体现在后现代时代的整体和弥漫的“精神”中,而且更精确地说,也体现在各种意见池提供的当前数据中。从这些数据中可以令人惊讶地注意到,在半个多世纪(甚至在某些地方几乎整整一个世纪)的人口处于激烈而公开的无神论灌输下的地区,宗教虔诚度得分很高。GfK(3)关于欧洲和美国宗教态度的调查(2004年)的最新结果报告中,东欧,特别是罗马尼亚被挑出来。这些数据显示,平均四分之三的人表示他们属于某种宗教。在中欧和东欧国家,80%的信徒人数高于平均水平。在西欧,无论生活在农村还是城市,三分之二的人都有特定的宗教信仰。同一份调查报告称,“在罗马尼亚(97%)、土耳其(95%)和希腊(89%),宗教人士的比例特别高。”大多数希腊人(98%)和罗马尼亚人(88%)属于东正教,而几乎所有土耳其人都自称是穆斯林。”在国家层面上,作为一个相关的例子,罗马尼亚为我们提供了一些意想不到的,特别高水平的宗教信仰——考虑到它在与共产主义无神论意识形态“同居”的50年里,一直处于最不人道和最压抑的政权之下。…
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Some Reflections On Religion And Multiculturalism In Romania: Towards A Reappraisal Of The Grammar Of Traditions
Abstract: This paper discusses the potential of the Christian tradition in Romania to offer a constructive answer to the contemporary dilemmas of multiculturalism. However, for this to happen there is a significant need for a fresh re-reading of this tradition. The starting point of my work will be an overview of the data on the question of religion and ethnicity in post-communist Romania. This will be followed by an assessment of the predominant trends involved in the building of the societal texture of Romanian contemporary society, with special emphasis on attitudes towards authority, otherness and dialogue. The ambiguous potential of traditions, both for destruction and for the healing of societal relations, will be singled out as an important characteristic of traditions. The work will argue for a reappraisal of the Christian tradition and its role, pleading for a fresh re-reading of its complex and pluriformed grammar. Emphasis will be placed on seeing Christianity--and its implicit traditions--as a Religion of Neighbourliness and a Religion of Love, oriented towards the future rather than the past, towards the other rather than the self, inspired by eschatological hope rather than blind allegiance to fixed dogma. Methodologically, my paper will fall in the area of conceptual analysis, partially informed by quantitative analysis and the data available from auxiliary sources Key words: Multiculturalism, christianity, tradition, orthodoxy. ********** 1. Religion in Eastern Europe: Against the Prophecies The twentieth century, for at least its first seven or eight decades, was undoubtedly marked by a strong sense of suspicion and scepticism towards religion. The so called 'prophets of suspicion' Marx, Freud and Nietzsche, who in some ways marked our modern age in undeletable ways, have not only predicted that, but also prophesised the final end of the age of religion. For all three, in one way or another, with the process of the 'emancipation' of man, one thing was certain: the inevitable and complete fading away of religion from our lives. (1) However, with the passing of time, our current context seems to prove such prediction dramatically wrong. It was wrong at local and global levels, in the West and in the East, in the Northern and in the Southern hemispheres. 9/11 is a proof of the global magnitude as well as of the potentially violent reality of what Anthony Giddens, a more astute interpreter of our times, predicted. Using Freudian language, he announced the return of religion as 'the return of the repressed'. (2) That religion is alive and here to stay is identifiable not only in the overall and diffuse 'spirit' of the postmodern age, but also in more precise terms, quantified and reflected in current data offered by various opinion pools. What can be surprisingly noted from such data are the high levels of religiosity scored in areas where, for more than half a century (and even in some places for almost an entire century) the population was under fierce and overt atheist indoctrination. Eastern Europe, particularly Romania, is singled out in the report of the latest findings of the GfK (3) survey on religious attitudes in Europe and the USA (2004). Such data shows that an average of three in four people indicated that they belonged to a religion. At 80 per cent, the number of believers is above average in the countries of Central and Eastern Europe. In Western Europe, two in three people identified with a specific religion, irrespectively of whether they live in rural or urban areas. The same survey reports that 'the percentage of religious people is particularly high in Romania (97 per cent), Turkey (95 per cent) and Greece (89 per cent). While the majority in Greece (98 per cent) and Romania (88 per cent) belong to the Orthodox Church, almost all people in Turkey stated that they were Muslims.' At a national level, as a relevant example, Romania provides us with some unexpected and particularly high levels of religiosity--giving the fact that it has been under one of the most inhumane and repressive regimes during its fifty years of 'cohabitation' with the communist-atheistic ideology. …
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