按性别界定的群体与《灭绝种族罪公约》

F. Hassellind
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引用次数: 4

摘要

本文探讨了种族灭绝罪与性别群体之间的联系。其目的是调查将按性别定义的群体列入《灭绝种族罪公约》受保护群体在法律上是否合理。它首先探讨了种族灭绝概念的历史起源。这一论述形成了对在国际刑法中保护人类群体的基本原理的分析性审查。在此背景下,本文主张将灭绝种族罪理解为一个权利执行机构。随后,它采用一种公平的属类分析来评估按性别界定的群体是否符合受保护群体的现行准则,以及是否因此可以得到类似的待遇。然后,它转而审查其他国际法文书,以表明这些文书都不是处理按性别区分的种族灭绝的适当代理。从这一角度出发,本文认为,种族灭绝罪的内容并不是确定的,而是作为霸权利益的战场而出现的。因此,很容易看出,《灭绝种族罪公约》目前对受保护群体的界定与性别群体的关系反映了一种深思熟虑的选择。文章最后断言,这一选择代表了国际刑法的一个空白,最终损害了灭绝种族罪的合法性,因为灭绝种族罪的个人范围可能与当前的社会和政治轨迹不一致。
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Groups Defined by Gender and the Genocide Convention
This article explores the crime of genocide in connectivity to groups defined by gender. Its aim is to investigate whether including groups defined by gender as a protected group in the Genocide Convention appears legally plausible. It begins by probing the historical origins of the concept of genocide. This exposition emanates into an analytical examination of the rationale of protecting human groups in international criminal law. Against this background, the article advocates an understanding of the crime of genocide as a rights-implementing institute. Subsequently, it employs an ejusdem generis analysis to assess whether groups defined by gender are coherent with the current canon of the protected groups, and if similar treatment thereby can be warranted. It then turns to examine other international law instruments, to expose that none of these are suitable proxies in dealing with gender-specific genocides. From this perspective, the article suggests that the content of the crime of genocide is not determinate, but rather emerges as a battlefield for hegemonic interests. Hence, it is easily discernible that the way in which the current construction of the protected groups in the Genocide Convention relates to gender groups reflects a deliberate choice. The article concludes with asserting that the choice represents a lacuna in international criminal law that in the end compromises the legitimacy of the crime of genocide, since the personal scope of the crime of genocide risks being in discord with current social and political trajectories.
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24
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24 weeks
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