逮捕或不逮捕现任国家元首:巴希尔案和法律与政治之间的相互作用

Jadranka Petrović, Dale Stephens, Vasko Nastevski
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摘要

2009年,苏丹总统奥马尔·哈桑·艾哈迈德·巴希尔(“巴希尔总统”)被国际刑事法院(“ICC”)起诉,罪名是在苏丹达尔富尔西部地区的冲突中犯有战争罪和反人类罪。次年,国际刑事法院指控巴希尔总统在达尔富尔事件中犯有种族灭绝罪。据称,自2003年以来,达尔富尔已有30多万人死亡,200多万人流离失所。在国际刑事法院起诉巴希尔总统之前,它必须获得对他的监护权。作为一个没有权力逮捕其起诉对象的司法机构,国际法院依赖国家当局。自发出逮捕令以来,巴希尔总统去过的国家不愿逮捕巴希尔总统并将其交给国际刑事法院,理由是国家元首豁免。通过关注南非政府对国际刑事法院于2015年6月发出针对巴希尔总统的逮捕令的具体回应,本文考虑了在针对非国家缔约国的现任国家元首发出逮捕令的情况下,各国是否必须与国际刑事法院合作的问题,并观察了与南非案件类似的国家回应的更广泛影响。
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To arrest or not to arrest the incumbent head of state: the Bashir case and the interplay between law and politics
In 2009, Sudanese President Omar Hassan Ahmad Al Bashir (‘President Bashir’) was indicted by the International Criminal Court (‘ICC’) on charges of war crimes and crimes against humanity over the conflict in the western region of Darfur, Sudan. The following year the ICC charged President Bashir with genocide over events in Darfur, where allegedly more than 300 000 people have died and more than two million people have been displaced since 2003. Before the ICC can prosecute President Bashir, it has to obtain custody over him. As a judicial institution without power to arrest those it indicts, the Court relies on national authorities. States to which President Bashir has travelled since the warrants for his arrest have been issued have been reluctant to arrest and surrender President Bashir to the ICC justifying their refusal by the head of state immunity argument. By focusing on the specific response of the South African government to the ICC’s arrest warrant against President Bashir in June 2015, this article considers the question of whether states must cooperate with the ICC in instances of an arrest warrant against a sitting head of state of a non-state party and observes the broader implications of state responses similar to the South African case.
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