突尼斯的紧急规定和特殊措施:建立新的宪法秩序

Safouene Ghannouchi
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摘要

鉴于2011年以来中东和北非地区总体上的政治和安全动荡,审查突尼斯紧急权力的使用是值得的。事实上,该地区许多国家的政治动荡已促使各国政府采取紧急措施,以恢复安全秩序。紧急状态条款是规定谁可以宣布紧急状态以及一旦宣布紧急状态政治行为者拥有何种权力的法律规则(Ackerman 2004年)。如果我们考虑那些允许政治体制深度开放、以实现更多自由为目标的政府,这种分析可能会更有价值。事实上,从宣布进入紧急状态的那一刻起,这些政府就发现自己处于需要在需要保护权利和自由的时候暂停权利和自由的安全需要之间。自2011年以来,突尼斯发生了政治变革,因此撰写突尼斯案例具有特殊意义。这场革命在阿拉伯之春中也是独一无二的,因为它是和平的,而不是血腥的,这与当时在中东和北非地区以及过去在世界各地发生的其他革命不同。在独裁主义或极权主义政权下,很难谈论紧急措施。事实上,由于行政机关没有抗衡的权力,也不能对自己的决定负责,所以暂时授予他更多的权力是无益的,因为他在一般情况下已经享有所有的权力。因此,一般来说,紧急条款的宪法历史更接近民主政府,而不是独裁政府。考虑到这些条款的实质性作用在于恢复宪法秩序,而且过渡性法律中的法律规则应该是例外的、必要的和有时间限制的,因此,通过紧急条款或例外措施的效力可以
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Emergency provisions and exceptional measures in Tunisia: establishment of a new constitutional order
Examining the use of emergency powers in Tunisia is worthwhile because of the political and security upheavals in the MENA region in general since 2011. Indeed, political upheaval in many countries of the region has pushed the different governments to adopt emergency provisions with the aim of restoring security order. Emergency provisions are legal rules specifying who can announce a state of emergency and what powers political actors have once a state of emergency is declared (Ackerman 2004). This analysis could be even more valuable if we consider governments that have allowed a deep opening of the political system, with the aim of enabling more freedom. Indeed, from the moment the state of emergency is declared, these governments find themselves between the security need to suspend rights and freedoms at a time when rights and freedoms need to be protected. Writing about the Tunisian case would have a particular significance since the political change that happened in the country since 2011. This revolution was also unique during the Arab Spring since it was peaceful and not sanguinary, in contradiction with other revolutions that happened in the MENA region at that period, and in all over the world in the past. It is difficult to speak of emergency provisions under an authoritarian or a totalitarian regime. Indeed, since the executive has no countervailing power and cannot be held accountable for his decisions, it would not be beneficial to grant him more powers for a temporary period, since he already enjoys all the powers during ordinary circumstances. Hence, the constitutional history of emergency provisions is, generally speaking, rather close to democratic governments than to dictatorial ones. The effectivenesś of the adoption of emergency provisions or exceptional measures – considering that the substantial role of these provisions consists in the restoration of the constitutional order, and that the legal rule in the transitional law should be exceptional, necessary, and limited in time – can
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