{"title":"认知模态和持久性","authors":"Rui Marques","doi":"10.21747/16466195/ling2022v2a15","DOIUrl":null,"url":null,"abstract":"Adding bem (lit. ‘well’) to a modalized proposition, as in it is quite possible that he already left, increases the degree of conviction being conveyed. Apparently, this epistemic reinforcement that results from the presence of bem corresponds to the expression of a higher degree of belief than what is expressed without bem. Concretely, while é possível que p (‘it is possible that p’) indicates that p is a possibility, é bem possível que p (‘it is quite possible that p’) will indicate that p is a good possibility. If so, the meaning of constructions resulting from the addition of bem to a modalized proposition can be captured within the framework of modality analysis in Krazter (1991, a.o.), who considers different degrees of modality, including the notions of possibility and good possibility. This way, it will be understandable why bem can co-occur with weak modals, as the equivalents of possible or may, but not with strong modals, such as the equivalents of must or have to, since the latter already have a strong value, not being able to be reinforced by the addition of bem. However, there are counter-arguments to this hypothesis, which, among other problems, does not explain why bem may co-occur with various types of modal operators or propositional attitude verbs that express a strong epistemic value, such as, e.g., certo (‘right’), as in é bem certo! (‘quite right!’), or to know, as in the equivalent of he knows well that he is late. Thus, two questions arise: (i) how to explain the epistemic reinforcement resulting from the addition of bem to a sentence with an epistemic modal operator? (ii) why can bem combine with some epistemic modal operators, but not with all of them?An alternative hypothesis is presented and explored, according to which bem does not contribute to the truth conditions of the sentence, but functions at the discursive level. Specifically, the proposed hypothesis is that the addition of bem to a modalized proposition indicates the expectation that this proposition will remain valid as discourse flows. That is, bemhas the function of making the proposition in which it occurs persistent. Thus, the meaning of the constructions resulting from the addition of bem to a modalized sentence is best captured by an analysis of modality within dynamic semantics. In dynamic semantics, the meaning of a sentence is its Context Change Potential, its capability to update the information of the context (or information state) relative to which it is asserted. The proposed analysis provides an answer the two aforementioned questions. Epistemic reinforcement conveyed by bem corresponds to expressing the expectation that the modalized proposition will remain valid as discourse flows. The reason why bem can co-occur with some, but not all, epistemic operators is linked to the type of epistemic state described by each sentence. As predicted by the proposed hypothesis, bem cannot co-occur with modal operators expressing an inference that arises from particular information and that may not be maintained as new information is gathered.","PeriodicalId":53272,"journal":{"name":"Linguistica Revista de Estudos Linguisticos da Universidade do Porto","volume":"54 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0000,"publicationDate":"2022-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":"0","resultStr":"{\"title\":\"Modalidade epistémica e persistência\",\"authors\":\"Rui Marques\",\"doi\":\"10.21747/16466195/ling2022v2a15\",\"DOIUrl\":null,\"url\":null,\"abstract\":\"Adding bem (lit. ‘well’) to a modalized proposition, as in it is quite possible that he already left, increases the degree of conviction being conveyed. Apparently, this epistemic reinforcement that results from the presence of bem corresponds to the expression of a higher degree of belief than what is expressed without bem. Concretely, while é possível que p (‘it is possible that p’) indicates that p is a possibility, é bem possível que p (‘it is quite possible that p’) will indicate that p is a good possibility. If so, the meaning of constructions resulting from the addition of bem to a modalized proposition can be captured within the framework of modality analysis in Krazter (1991, a.o.), who considers different degrees of modality, including the notions of possibility and good possibility. This way, it will be understandable why bem can co-occur with weak modals, as the equivalents of possible or may, but not with strong modals, such as the equivalents of must or have to, since the latter already have a strong value, not being able to be reinforced by the addition of bem. However, there are counter-arguments to this hypothesis, which, among other problems, does not explain why bem may co-occur with various types of modal operators or propositional attitude verbs that express a strong epistemic value, such as, e.g., certo (‘right’), as in é bem certo! (‘quite right!’), or to know, as in the equivalent of he knows well that he is late. Thus, two questions arise: (i) how to explain the epistemic reinforcement resulting from the addition of bem to a sentence with an epistemic modal operator? (ii) why can bem combine with some epistemic modal operators, but not with all of them?An alternative hypothesis is presented and explored, according to which bem does not contribute to the truth conditions of the sentence, but functions at the discursive level. Specifically, the proposed hypothesis is that the addition of bem to a modalized proposition indicates the expectation that this proposition will remain valid as discourse flows. That is, bemhas the function of making the proposition in which it occurs persistent. Thus, the meaning of the constructions resulting from the addition of bem to a modalized sentence is best captured by an analysis of modality within dynamic semantics. In dynamic semantics, the meaning of a sentence is its Context Change Potential, its capability to update the information of the context (or information state) relative to which it is asserted. The proposed analysis provides an answer the two aforementioned questions. Epistemic reinforcement conveyed by bem corresponds to expressing the expectation that the modalized proposition will remain valid as discourse flows. The reason why bem can co-occur with some, but not all, epistemic operators is linked to the type of epistemic state described by each sentence. 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引用次数: 0
摘要
在一个情态化的命题中加上bem(即“好”),就像他很可能已经离开一样,增加了所传达的信念的程度。显然,由于bem的存在而产生的这种认知强化,对应于比没有bem时表达的更高程度的信念。具体地说,虽然 possível que p(“p有可能”)表明p是一种可能性,但 possível que p(“p很有可能”)将表明p是一种很好的可能性。如果是这样的话,在Krazter (1991, a.o.)的情态分析框架内,可以捕捉到在情态命题中添加bem所产生的结构的意义,他考虑了不同程度的情态,包括可能性和良好可能性的概念。这样,就可以理解为什么bem可以与弱情态同时出现,作为possible或may的等量物,但不能与强情态同时出现,例如must或have to的等量物,因为后者已经具有强值,不能通过添加bem来加强。然而,对这一假设也有相反的观点,除了其他问题外,这并不能解释为什么bem可以与表达强烈认知价值的各种类型的情态操作符或命题态度动词共同出现,例如,例如,certo(“正确”),如在 bem certo!(“完全正确!”),或者知道,相当于他很清楚自己迟到了。因此,出现了两个问题:(i)如何解释在带有认知模态运算符的句子中添加bem所产生的认知强化?(ii)为什么bem可以与一些认知模态操作符结合,而不是与所有的操作符结合?提出并探讨了另一种假设,根据这种假设,bem不参与句子的真值条件,而是在话语层面起作用。具体来说,提出的假设是,向一个情态化命题添加bem表明该命题在话语流动中仍然有效的期望。也就是说,bembe具有使它所发生的命题持久的功能。因此,在动态语义学中对情态进行分析,可以最好地捕捉到在情态句中添加bem所产生的结构的含义。在动态语义学中,句子的意义是它的上下文变化潜力,它更新上下文信息(或信息状态)的能力。建议的分析提供了上述两个问题的答案。由bem传达的认知强化对应于表达期望,即在话语流动中,情态化的命题将保持有效。bem可以与一些而不是全部的认知运算符同时出现的原因与每个句子所描述的认知状态的类型有关。正如所提出的假设所预测的那样,bem不能与模态运算符同时出现,模态运算符表示从特定信息产生的推断,并且在收集新信息时可能不会保持。
Adding bem (lit. ‘well’) to a modalized proposition, as in it is quite possible that he already left, increases the degree of conviction being conveyed. Apparently, this epistemic reinforcement that results from the presence of bem corresponds to the expression of a higher degree of belief than what is expressed without bem. Concretely, while é possível que p (‘it is possible that p’) indicates that p is a possibility, é bem possível que p (‘it is quite possible that p’) will indicate that p is a good possibility. If so, the meaning of constructions resulting from the addition of bem to a modalized proposition can be captured within the framework of modality analysis in Krazter (1991, a.o.), who considers different degrees of modality, including the notions of possibility and good possibility. This way, it will be understandable why bem can co-occur with weak modals, as the equivalents of possible or may, but not with strong modals, such as the equivalents of must or have to, since the latter already have a strong value, not being able to be reinforced by the addition of bem. However, there are counter-arguments to this hypothesis, which, among other problems, does not explain why bem may co-occur with various types of modal operators or propositional attitude verbs that express a strong epistemic value, such as, e.g., certo (‘right’), as in é bem certo! (‘quite right!’), or to know, as in the equivalent of he knows well that he is late. Thus, two questions arise: (i) how to explain the epistemic reinforcement resulting from the addition of bem to a sentence with an epistemic modal operator? (ii) why can bem combine with some epistemic modal operators, but not with all of them?An alternative hypothesis is presented and explored, according to which bem does not contribute to the truth conditions of the sentence, but functions at the discursive level. Specifically, the proposed hypothesis is that the addition of bem to a modalized proposition indicates the expectation that this proposition will remain valid as discourse flows. That is, bemhas the function of making the proposition in which it occurs persistent. Thus, the meaning of the constructions resulting from the addition of bem to a modalized sentence is best captured by an analysis of modality within dynamic semantics. In dynamic semantics, the meaning of a sentence is its Context Change Potential, its capability to update the information of the context (or information state) relative to which it is asserted. The proposed analysis provides an answer the two aforementioned questions. Epistemic reinforcement conveyed by bem corresponds to expressing the expectation that the modalized proposition will remain valid as discourse flows. The reason why bem can co-occur with some, but not all, epistemic operators is linked to the type of epistemic state described by each sentence. As predicted by the proposed hypothesis, bem cannot co-occur with modal operators expressing an inference that arises from particular information and that may not be maintained as new information is gathered.