{"title":"Michael Nijhawan的《岌岌可危的侨民》概念作品","authors":"R. S. Soni","doi":"10.1080/17448727.2018.1545190","DOIUrl":null,"url":null,"abstract":"Rethinking their mission statement in 2013, Timothy Mitchell and Anupama Rao, the editors of Comparative Studies of South Asia, Africa and the Middle East, note that the ways in which theories and methods of the humanities and social sciences ‘relate to regions, and how regions generate theories and methods of their own, are issues of great interest, even urgency, to the contemporary academy’ (135). Such great interest and urgency pertain, moreover, to practices of ‘comparative or connective scholarship, especially where comparison or connection is itself a subject for theorization’ (135). Notably, while the term diaspora appears neither in CSSAAME’s mission statement nor in its accompanying background statement, it certainly both resonates with and complicates the question of how disciplines ‘relate to regions, and how regions generate theories and methods of their own’; for, the ascendance of multidisciplinary diaspora studies is indicative of an important shift from the boundedness of traditional area studies to the relative openness of ‘transregions, where hitherto unknown forms of economic interaction, religious faith, literary culture, and the like are being discovered’ (135). Diasporas, of course, solicit from us a sustained, and always situated, labor of thinking transnationally and thus transregionally. Yet, precisely how do forms of transregion specific to the historical production of diasporas, including global chains of migration and encounters with various regimes of citizenship, generate theories and methods of their own? How exactly does the study of diaspora factor into and inform major themes or concepts that preoccupy the humanities and social sciences writ large today? What does diaspora entail now from our disciplinary ways of thinking? Such questions are the impetus for this feature section, which takes the form of a theory colloquium on Michael Nijhawan’s The Precarious Diasporas of Sikh and Ahmadiyya Generations: Violence, Memory, Agency (2016). Exemplifying what Mitchell and Rao describe as ‘comparative or connective scholarship’ whereby ‘comparison or connection is itself a subject for theorization’ (2013, 135), Nijhawan’s Precarious Diasporas contributes to social anthropologies of transnationalism, diasporic position and identity, violence, juridical reasoning and asylum law, citizenship, and religion via its juxtaposition and crosshatching of research into Sikh and Ahmadiyya diasporas since 1984. Socially and politically, 1984 is a pivotal anniversary for both international communities. For Sikhs, it is the year of the military assault on Darbar Sahib, the assassination of Indira Gandhi, and systematic government-sanctioned pogroms against India’s Sikhs. For Ahmadis, it is the year of a presidential ordinance that, after decades of anti-minority violence and constitutional amendments reclassifying Ahmadis as non-Muslims, ‘made it de facto illegal for Ahmadis to claim official status as a religious organization and practice","PeriodicalId":44201,"journal":{"name":"Sikh Formations-Religion Culture Theory","volume":"25 1","pages":"148 - 152"},"PeriodicalIF":0.2000,"publicationDate":"2020-04-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":"1","resultStr":"{\"title\":\"Concept work with Michael Nijhawan’s Precarious Diasporas\",\"authors\":\"R. S. 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Notably, while the term diaspora appears neither in CSSAAME’s mission statement nor in its accompanying background statement, it certainly both resonates with and complicates the question of how disciplines ‘relate to regions, and how regions generate theories and methods of their own’; for, the ascendance of multidisciplinary diaspora studies is indicative of an important shift from the boundedness of traditional area studies to the relative openness of ‘transregions, where hitherto unknown forms of economic interaction, religious faith, literary culture, and the like are being discovered’ (135). Diasporas, of course, solicit from us a sustained, and always situated, labor of thinking transnationally and thus transregionally. Yet, precisely how do forms of transregion specific to the historical production of diasporas, including global chains of migration and encounters with various regimes of citizenship, generate theories and methods of their own? How exactly does the study of diaspora factor into and inform major themes or concepts that preoccupy the humanities and social sciences writ large today? What does diaspora entail now from our disciplinary ways of thinking? Such questions are the impetus for this feature section, which takes the form of a theory colloquium on Michael Nijhawan’s The Precarious Diasporas of Sikh and Ahmadiyya Generations: Violence, Memory, Agency (2016). Exemplifying what Mitchell and Rao describe as ‘comparative or connective scholarship’ whereby ‘comparison or connection is itself a subject for theorization’ (2013, 135), Nijhawan’s Precarious Diasporas contributes to social anthropologies of transnationalism, diasporic position and identity, violence, juridical reasoning and asylum law, citizenship, and religion via its juxtaposition and crosshatching of research into Sikh and Ahmadiyya diasporas since 1984. Socially and politically, 1984 is a pivotal anniversary for both international communities. 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引用次数: 1
摘要
《南亚、非洲和中东比较研究》(Comparative Studies of South Asia, Africa and Middle East)的编辑蒂莫西·米切尔(Timothy Mitchell)和阿努帕玛·拉奥(Anupama Rao)在2013年重新思考他们的使命宣言时指出,人文和社会科学的理论和方法“与地区相关的方式,以及地区如何产生自己的理论和方法,是当代学术界非常感兴趣甚至迫切需要解决的问题”(135)。此外,这种极大的兴趣和紧迫性适用于“比较或关联学术,特别是在比较或关联本身就是理论化的主题”的实践(135)。值得注意的是,虽然“散居”一词既没有出现在CSSAAME的使命声明中,也没有出现在其附带的背景声明中,但它肯定既与学科如何“与地区相关,以及地区如何产生自己的理论和方法”的问题产生共鸣,也使问题变得复杂;因为,多学科散居研究的优势表明了一个重要的转变,从传统区域研究的局限性转向相对开放的“跨区域”,在那里,迄今为止未知的经济互动、宗教信仰、文学文化等形式正在被发现。当然,散居者向我们要求一种持续的、始终处于位置的、跨国的、因而也是跨地区的思维劳动。然而,确切地说,对于流散者的历史生产,包括全球移民链和与各种公民制度的接触,跨地区的具体形式是如何产生自己的理论和方法的?散居的研究究竟是如何影响并告知当今人文和社会科学的主要主题或概念的?从我们的学科思维方式来看,散居带来了什么?这些问题是本专题部分的推动力,它以迈克尔·尼贾万的《锡克教徒和艾哈迈迪亚世代的不稳定散居:暴力、记忆、代理》(2016)的理论讨论会的形式出现。作为Mitchell和Rao所描述的“比较或联系学术”的例子,“比较或联系本身就是一个理论化的主题”(2013,135),Nijhawan的《不稳定的散居者》通过对1984年以来锡克教徒和艾哈迈迪亚散居者的并列和交叉研究,对跨国主义、散居地位和身份、暴力、司法推理和庇护法、公民身份和宗教的社会人类学做出了贡献。在社会和政治上,1984年是两个国际社会的关键周年。对锡克教徒来说,这一年发生了军事袭击达尔巴尔·萨希布、英迪拉·甘地(Indira Gandhi)遇刺以及政府批准对印度锡克教徒进行有计划的大屠杀。对艾哈迈迪人来说,这一年是总统颁布法令的一年。经过几十年的反少数民族暴力和宪法修正案,艾哈迈迪人被重新归类为非穆斯林,“事实上,艾哈迈迪人声称作为一个宗教组织和实践的官方地位是非法的。
Concept work with Michael Nijhawan’s Precarious Diasporas
Rethinking their mission statement in 2013, Timothy Mitchell and Anupama Rao, the editors of Comparative Studies of South Asia, Africa and the Middle East, note that the ways in which theories and methods of the humanities and social sciences ‘relate to regions, and how regions generate theories and methods of their own, are issues of great interest, even urgency, to the contemporary academy’ (135). Such great interest and urgency pertain, moreover, to practices of ‘comparative or connective scholarship, especially where comparison or connection is itself a subject for theorization’ (135). Notably, while the term diaspora appears neither in CSSAAME’s mission statement nor in its accompanying background statement, it certainly both resonates with and complicates the question of how disciplines ‘relate to regions, and how regions generate theories and methods of their own’; for, the ascendance of multidisciplinary diaspora studies is indicative of an important shift from the boundedness of traditional area studies to the relative openness of ‘transregions, where hitherto unknown forms of economic interaction, religious faith, literary culture, and the like are being discovered’ (135). Diasporas, of course, solicit from us a sustained, and always situated, labor of thinking transnationally and thus transregionally. Yet, precisely how do forms of transregion specific to the historical production of diasporas, including global chains of migration and encounters with various regimes of citizenship, generate theories and methods of their own? How exactly does the study of diaspora factor into and inform major themes or concepts that preoccupy the humanities and social sciences writ large today? What does diaspora entail now from our disciplinary ways of thinking? Such questions are the impetus for this feature section, which takes the form of a theory colloquium on Michael Nijhawan’s The Precarious Diasporas of Sikh and Ahmadiyya Generations: Violence, Memory, Agency (2016). Exemplifying what Mitchell and Rao describe as ‘comparative or connective scholarship’ whereby ‘comparison or connection is itself a subject for theorization’ (2013, 135), Nijhawan’s Precarious Diasporas contributes to social anthropologies of transnationalism, diasporic position and identity, violence, juridical reasoning and asylum law, citizenship, and religion via its juxtaposition and crosshatching of research into Sikh and Ahmadiyya diasporas since 1984. Socially and politically, 1984 is a pivotal anniversary for both international communities. For Sikhs, it is the year of the military assault on Darbar Sahib, the assassination of Indira Gandhi, and systematic government-sanctioned pogroms against India’s Sikhs. For Ahmadis, it is the year of a presidential ordinance that, after decades of anti-minority violence and constitutional amendments reclassifying Ahmadis as non-Muslims, ‘made it de facto illegal for Ahmadis to claim official status as a religious organization and practice