数字服务税和从确定收入来源到对特定地点的租金征税的更广泛转变

IF 0.9 Q2 LAW EJournal of Tax Research Pub Date : 2019-09-03 DOI:10.2139/ssrn.3448070
Daniel N. Shaviro
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引用次数: 2

摘要

近几十年来,以“四骑士”苹果、亚马逊、Facebook和谷歌为代表的一批以美国公司为主、取得了惊人成功的跨国公司(MNEs),在全球经济中占据了举足轻重的地位。虽然它们的市值和利润很高,反映出它们赚取了可观的租金或准租金,但它们的全球总税收通常相当低,反映出它们创造无国籍收入的能力。通常,这些跨国公司都是科技公司,就像四骑士一样——但也不总是这样。例如,星巴克(Starbucks)尽管遵循传统的实体零售商业模式,但在全球享有高利润和低税收。这反映出,与更明显的高科技同行一样,它依赖于宝贵的知识产权,这有助于它创造全球税前盈利能力和无国籍收入。这类跨国公司的崛起给现有的企业所得税模式带来了巨大压力。虽然现有模式可能会得到显著改进,但这仍将使市场国家(跨国公司消费者所在的国家)远远无法对这些公司通过与当地居民互动而获得的特定地点租金征税,尽管这些国家可能希望这样做。市场国家使用新颖的税收工具,例如合理设计的数字服务税(DSTs)来扩大其达到特定地点租金的能力,从现有的(相当宽松的)限制和引导国家自利行为的规范来看,并不是不合理的。DSTs也有可能(尽管能否实现还不确定)改善而不是恶化全球效率和分配。无论它们是永久性的还是仅仅是过渡性的,dst看起来都像是一个新时代的预兆,在这个新时代,实体层面的公司税正确地更多地关注地点租金,而不是几十年来关于所谓的“真正”经济收入和价值创造来源的理论和语义辩论。
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Digital Services Taxes and the Broader Shift From Determining the Source of Income to Taxing Location-Specific Rents
In recent decades, a number of fantastically successful, mainly American, multinational entities (MNEs) – led and epitomized by the “Four Horsemen,” Apple, Amazon, Facebook, and Google – have risen to global economic hyper-prominence. While their market capitalizations and profits are high, reflecting that they earn substantial rents or quasi-rents, their aggregate global taxes are generally quite low, reflecting their ability to create stateless income. Often, these MNEs are technology companies, like the Four Horsemen – but not always. Starbucks, for example, enjoys high global profits and low taxes despite its following a classic brick-and-mortar retail business model. This reflects that, like its more obviously high-tech peers, it relies on valuable intellectual property that helps it in creating both global pretax profitability and stateless income. Such MNEs’ rise has placed substantial pressure on existing corporate income tax models. While the existing models might perhaps be significantly improved, this would still leave market countries (where the MNEs’ consumers are located) well short of being able to tax, as fully as they might like, the location-specific rents that these companies earn by interacting with their residents. Market countries that use novel tax instruments, such as properly designed digital services taxes (DSTs) to expand their capacity to reach such location-specific rents, are not acting unreasonably, as judged within existing (and fairly lax) norms for constraining and channeling countries’ self-interested behavior. DSTs also have the potential (although whether it will be realized is uncertain) to improve, rather than worsen, global efficiency and distribution. Whether they prove permanent or merely transitional, DSTs look like harbingers of a new era in which entity-level corporate taxation rightly focuses more on locational rents, and less on decades-old doctrinal and semantic debates concerning the supposedly “true” source of economic income and value creation.
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