{"title":"英国边缘政策与盖尔运动会:两级博弈视角下英国和爱尔兰对欧盟条约的批准","authors":"Dermot Hodson, Imelda Maher","doi":"10.1111/1467-856X.12015","DOIUrl":null,"url":null,"abstract":"<div>\n \n <p>\n </p><ul>\n \n <li>Viewed from the theory of two-level games, the European Union (EU) Act (2011) is a rare example of a government tying its hands in international diplomacy.</li>\n \n <li>The UK government could find its hands more tightly bound than anticipated under the EU Act, <i>inter alia</i>, due to the enhanced role of the courts in EU treaty ratification.</li>\n \n <li>The EU Act could convey bargaining advantages to the UK, but it could also encourage other EU member states to walk away from the negotiating table.</li>\n \n <li>The risks posed by tighter ratification rules are borne out by Ireland's experience of EU treaty ratification since the Supreme Court ruling <i>Crotty v. An Taoiseach</i> (1987).</li>\n \n <li>David Cameron's ‘veto’ of plans for a new EU treaty in December 2011 illustrates the difficulties of knowing ex ante when a referendum is required under the EU Act.</li>\n </ul>\n <p>The European Union (EU) Act (2011) provides for greater parliamentary oversight and the possibility of a referendum before EU treaties can be ratified. This article explores the EU Act from a two-level game perspective, seeing it as a rare example of a government tying its hands in international diplomacy. That the UK government could find its hands more tightly bound than anticipated is suggested by Ireland's turbulent experience of treaty ratification in the light of <i>Crotty v. An Taoiseach</i> (1987), a landmark ruling by the Irish Supreme Court and an inspiration for the EU Act. This situation could, the theory of two-level games predicts, bolster the UK's bargaining position in Brussels, but it could also damage the country's credibility and encourage other member states to walk away from the negotiating table. This last point helps to shed some light on the UK's ‘veto’ of the Fiscal Compact in December 2011.</p>\n </div>","PeriodicalId":51479,"journal":{"name":"British Journal of Politics & International Relations","volume":"16 4","pages":"645-661"},"PeriodicalIF":2.1000,"publicationDate":"2013-04-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1111/1467-856X.12015","citationCount":"15","resultStr":"{\"title\":\"British Brinkmanship and Gaelic Games: EU Treaty Ratification in the UK and Ireland from a Two Level Game Perspective\",\"authors\":\"Dermot Hodson, Imelda Maher\",\"doi\":\"10.1111/1467-856X.12015\",\"DOIUrl\":null,\"url\":null,\"abstract\":\"<div>\\n \\n <p>\\n </p><ul>\\n \\n <li>Viewed from the theory of two-level games, the European Union (EU) Act (2011) is a rare example of a government tying its hands in international diplomacy.</li>\\n \\n <li>The UK government could find its hands more tightly bound than anticipated under the EU Act, <i>inter alia</i>, due to the enhanced role of the courts in EU treaty ratification.</li>\\n \\n <li>The EU Act could convey bargaining advantages to the UK, but it could also encourage other EU member states to walk away from the negotiating table.</li>\\n \\n <li>The risks posed by tighter ratification rules are borne out by Ireland's experience of EU treaty ratification since the Supreme Court ruling <i>Crotty v. 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引用次数: 15
摘要
从两级博弈理论来看,欧盟法案(2011)是政府在国际外交中束手束脚的罕见案例。英国政府可能会发现,在《欧盟法案》的约束下,它的手脚比预期的更紧,尤其是由于法院在批准欧盟条约方面的作用增强。《欧盟法案》可能会给英国带来讨价还价的优势,但它也可能会鼓励其他欧盟成员国离开谈判桌。自1987年最高法院裁决Crotty v. An Taoiseach案以来,爱尔兰批准欧盟条约的经历证明了更严格的批准规则带来的风险。戴维•卡梅伦(David Cameron)在2011年12月“否决”了一项新的欧盟条约计划,这说明了事先知道根据欧盟法案何时需要进行公投的困难。《欧盟法》(2011年)规定了更大的议会监督和在欧盟条约获得批准之前举行全民公决的可能性。本文从两级博弈的角度探讨了欧盟法案,将其视为政府在国际外交中束手束脚的罕见例子。根据1987年的克罗蒂诉安·陶伊萨克案(Crotty v. An Taoiseach),爱尔兰在条约批准过程中的动荡经历表明,英国政府可能会发现自己的手比预期的更紧。克罗蒂诉安·陶伊萨克案是爱尔兰最高法院的一项具有里程碑意义的裁决,也是《欧盟法案》的灵感来源。两级博弈理论预测,这种情况可能会增强英国在布鲁塞尔的谈判地位,但也可能损害英国的信誉,并鼓励其他成员国离开谈判桌。最后一点有助于解释英国在2011年12月“否决”财政契约的原因。
British Brinkmanship and Gaelic Games: EU Treaty Ratification in the UK and Ireland from a Two Level Game Perspective
Viewed from the theory of two-level games, the European Union (EU) Act (2011) is a rare example of a government tying its hands in international diplomacy.
The UK government could find its hands more tightly bound than anticipated under the EU Act, inter alia, due to the enhanced role of the courts in EU treaty ratification.
The EU Act could convey bargaining advantages to the UK, but it could also encourage other EU member states to walk away from the negotiating table.
The risks posed by tighter ratification rules are borne out by Ireland's experience of EU treaty ratification since the Supreme Court ruling Crotty v. An Taoiseach (1987).
David Cameron's ‘veto’ of plans for a new EU treaty in December 2011 illustrates the difficulties of knowing ex ante when a referendum is required under the EU Act.
The European Union (EU) Act (2011) provides for greater parliamentary oversight and the possibility of a referendum before EU treaties can be ratified. This article explores the EU Act from a two-level game perspective, seeing it as a rare example of a government tying its hands in international diplomacy. That the UK government could find its hands more tightly bound than anticipated is suggested by Ireland's turbulent experience of treaty ratification in the light of Crotty v. An Taoiseach (1987), a landmark ruling by the Irish Supreme Court and an inspiration for the EU Act. This situation could, the theory of two-level games predicts, bolster the UK's bargaining position in Brussels, but it could also damage the country's credibility and encourage other member states to walk away from the negotiating table. This last point helps to shed some light on the UK's ‘veto’ of the Fiscal Compact in December 2011.
期刊介绍:
BJPIR provides an outlet for the best of British political science and of political science on Britain Founded in 1999, BJPIR is now based in the School of Politics at the University of Nottingham. It is a major refereed journal published by Blackwell Publishing under the auspices of the Political Studies Association of the United Kingdom. BJPIR is committed to acting as a broadly-based outlet for the best of British political science and of political science on Britain. A fully refereed journal, it publishes topical, scholarly work on significant debates in British scholarship and on all major political issues affecting Britain"s relationship to Europe and the world.