EU political conditionality and parties in government: human rights and the quest for Turkish transformation

Erol Kulahci
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引用次数: 7

Abstract

In one of her articles of reference, Heather Grabbe pointed out that most of the phenomena identified in the literature on Europeanisation may also be observed in Central and Eastern European Countries (CEEC). In addition, Grabbe presents the following elements of explanation when considering the influence of European Union (EU) conditionality on governance: (a) the speed of adjustment, (b) the opening up of CEEC elites to the influence of the EU, and (c) the extent of the EU agenda in terms of institutional and political changes. These factors are certainly relevant, but they do not reflect the importance of the partisan dimension for domestic adaptation in response to EU pressures. The analysis of the Turkish case will show precisely that the partisan dimension is an important explanatory variable for domestic change. In complement to the observation of Grabbe, our claim is that the roles of relevant partisan elites have to be highlighted. One aspect relates to the parties in government. Their presence plays a significant role in determining the attitude of the government towards EU conditionality. That said, one should stress the two factors responsible for bringing these partisan elites to power: the voters and the voting system. Accordingly, we will demonstrate that Turkey’s attitude towards EU conditionality varied during the last two electoral cycles, and was largely dependent on the partisan composition of the governments in power. This changing attitude of Turkey has an important impact on the evaluation of Turkish accession by the EU institutions. We will defend the hypotheses according to which internal political changes were not only determined by the EU, but also by the internal partisan factor. The combination of these two factors determined the scope and the limits of Turkish domestic reforms. Turkey is not only exposed to the pressure of the EU alone. As a distinctive set of institutions, the European Council also plays an important role. For example, the European Council instructed Turkey to release from detention Leyla Zana, a Turkish deputy of Kurdish origin. The United Nations is another institution which plays an important role and to which the European Commission refers to. For example, in the case of the return of internally displaced persons in the Kurdish region in Turkey and the relevant recommendation of the UN Secretary
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欧盟政治条件与政府政党:人权与寻求土耳其转型
在她的一篇参考文章中,Heather Grabbe指出,在有关欧洲化的文献中发现的大多数现象也可以在中欧和东欧国家(CEEC)中观察到。此外,在考虑欧盟(EU)条件性对治理的影响时,Grabbe提出了以下解释要素:(a)调整的速度,(b)中东欧国家精英对欧盟影响的开放程度,以及(c)欧盟议程在制度和政治变革方面的程度。这些因素当然是相关的,但它们并没有反映出党派层面对应对欧盟压力的国内适应的重要性。对土耳其案例的分析将准确地表明,党派因素是国内变化的一个重要解释变量。作为对Grabbe观察的补充,我们的主张是,必须强调相关党派精英的作用。一个方面与政府中的政党有关。他们的存在在决定政府对欧盟条件的态度方面起着重要作用。话虽如此,人们应该强调两个因素,即选民和投票制度,这是导致这些党派精英掌权的原因。因此,我们将证明,在过去的两个选举周期中,土耳其对欧盟条件的态度有所不同,并且在很大程度上取决于执政政府的党派组成。土耳其态度的转变对欧盟机构对土耳其加入欧盟的评价产生了重要影响。我们将捍卫内部政治变化不仅由欧盟决定,而且由内部党派因素决定的假设。这两个因素的结合决定了土耳其国内改革的范围和限度。土耳其不仅面临来自欧盟的压力。作为一套独特的机构,欧洲理事会也发挥着重要作用。例如,欧洲理事会指示土耳其释放被拘留的库尔德籍土耳其议员莱拉·扎娜(Leyla Zana)。联合国是欧洲委员会提到的另一个发挥重要作用的机构。例如,在土耳其库尔德地区国内流离失所者返回的情况下,以及联合国秘书长的相关建议
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