Journey to A Post-Conflict Society: Colombia’s Transitional Justice System

E. Farris
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引用次数: 1

Abstract

With the rise of internal conflicts and insurgency groups since the end of the Cold War, international norms regarding human rights have grown exponentially, developing into international law that seeks to hold States accountable. While not all countries are party to international justice mechanisms like the International Criminal Court, human rights undoubtedly concern the entire international community. Armed conflicts that boast longevity and depth of reach are therefore especially worrisome in the face of norms and institutions that aim to ensure respect for human rights and protect the victims of the conflict. Colombia, a country that has suffered from an armed conflict lasting more than a half century, has recently begun its transition from a post-settlement to a post-conflict society with the culmination of the Final Agreement to End the Conflict and Build a Stable and Lasting Peace. However, Colombia’s successful journey to a post-conflict society is contingent upon the functionality of its newly created transitional justice system. A particularly precarious yet critical component of Colombia’s Transitional Justice System is the Special Jurisdiction for Peace. In order for Colombia to achieve sustainable peace and protect victims’ rights, the extrajudicial and judicial aspects of the system must work to complement each other. After World War II, the international community recognized its responsibility to ensure that states that had carried out “wars of aggression” against third states and their own populations would suffer international legal ramifications (Olasolo, 2015, pp. 9). These international efforts were carried out through the International Military Tribunal at Nuremberg and the International Military Tribunal for the Far East, followed by the Declaration of Rights and Duties of Man in April of 1948, the Convention on the Prevention and Punishment on the Crime of Genocide and the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, both ratified in December of 1948 by the United Nations (UN) General Assembly, the Geneva Convention of 1949, and the Convention for the Protection of Human Rights of 1950 (Olasolo, 2015, pp. 9-10). Overall, the international community was “judicialized” following both World Wars (Simmons & Danner, 2010). Collectively, these declarations and conventions establish a set of international norms that obligate the state to fulfil its duty to protect its population. This new international standard, however, does not mean each state has since abided by the norms created. In the post-Cold War era, it became difficult to hold states accountable and guarantee that perpetrators guilty of gross violations of human rights would be prosecuted, especially with the rise of armed conflicts and insurgencies. Moreover, Olasolo (2015) maintains that the international community failed to subject world hegemons to fair judgement in the post-Cold War world. He argues that this failure is grounds for an overall weak commitment to human rights and thus, the need for collective responsibility among states (pp. 1215). Simmons & Danner (2010), however, explain the push for international justice mechanisms as being correlated to the disintegration of Cold War bipolar stability. They contend that states sought to “tie their hands” following a turbulent period in an effort to discourage civil conflict by increasing the costs to the return to violence (Simmons & Danner, 2010, p. 227). Regardless, the creation of international justice prevailed in the context of instability and internal conflicts, despite its criticisms for being a “tool of imperialism” and an “enemy of peace” (Encarnación, 2011). In 1998, the UN Diplomatic Conference of Plenipotentiaries on the Establishment of an International Criminal Court (ICC) resulted in the culmination of the Rome Statute, approved INTRODUCTION International Affairs, ESIA ‘19, efarris@gwu.edu
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冲突后社会之旅:哥伦比亚的过渡司法系统
自冷战结束以来,随着国内冲突和叛乱团体的增加,有关人权的国际规范成倍增长,并发展成为寻求追究国家责任的国际法。虽然并非所有国家都是国际刑事法院等国际司法机制的缔约国,但人权无疑关系到整个国际社会。因此,在面对旨在确保尊重人权和保护冲突受害者的规范和机构时,以长期和深入为傲的武装冲突尤其令人担忧。哥伦比亚是一个遭受了长达半个多世纪的武装冲突之苦的国家,随着《结束冲突和建立稳定与持久和平的最后协定》的达成,它最近开始从解决后社会过渡到冲突后社会。然而,哥伦比亚向冲突后社会的成功之旅取决于其新建立的过渡时期司法制度的功能。哥伦比亚过渡时期司法制度的一个特别不稳定但关键的组成部分是和平特别管辖权。为了使哥伦比亚实现可持续和平和保护受害者的权利,该制度的法外和司法方面必须相互补充。第二次世界大战后,国际社会认识到有责任确保对第三国及其本国人民发动“侵略战争”的国家遭受国际法律后果(Olasolo, 2015, pp. 9)。这些国际努力是通过纽伦堡国际军事法庭和远东国际军事法庭进行的,随后是1948年4月的《人类权利和义务宣言》。1948年12月联合国大会批准的《防止及惩治灭绝种族罪公约》和《世界人权宣言》、1949年的《日内瓦公约》和1950年的《保护人权公约》(奥拉索洛,2015年,第9-10页)。总体而言,在两次世界大战之后,国际社会被“司法化”(Simmons & Danner, 2010)。总的来说,这些宣言和公约建立了一套国际准则,要求国家履行保护其人民的义务。然而,这一新的国际标准并不意味着每个国家都遵守了所制定的规范。在后冷战时代,尤其在武装冲突和叛乱抬头的情况下,很难追究国家的责任,也很难保证严重侵犯人权的肇事者受到起诉。此外,Olasolo(2015)认为,在冷战后的世界中,国际社会未能对世界霸主进行公正的评判。他认为,这种失败是对人权的整体承诺薄弱的理由,因此,需要国家之间的集体责任(第1215页)。然而,Simmons & Danner(2010)解释说,推动国际司法机制与冷战两极稳定的解体有关。他们认为,在动荡时期之后,国家试图“束缚自己的双手”,通过增加回归暴力的成本来阻止国内冲突(Simmons & Danner, 2010,第227页)。无论如何,国际正义的创造在不稳定和内部冲突的背景下占了上风,尽管它被批评为“帝国主义的工具”和“和平的敌人”(Encarnación, 2011)。1998年,联合国关于设立国际刑事法院(ICC)的全权代表外交会议最终通过了《罗马规约》,《国际事务导论》,ESIA ' 19, efarris@gwu.edu
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The Impact of COVID-19 on the Fashion Luxury Industry The Impact of Political Instability on the Tourism Sector in the Middle East and North Africa Journey to A Post-Conflict Society: Colombia’s Transitional Justice System The Patient Perspective of Quality Care: A Literature Review A Legacy of Disenfranchisement: Interrogating the Displacement of the Historical Black Foggy Bottom Community
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