The Psychology of Public Opinion

Lauren C. Howe, J. Krosnick
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Abstract

Both the measurement and scholarly study of public opinion have a long history. Almost two centuries have passed since the publication of the first public opinion poll: the Harrisburg Pennsylvanian newspaper’s coverage of voters’ opinions in the 1824 presidential race between John Quincy Adams and Andrew Jackson (Madonna & Young, 2002). Over eight decades have elapsed since the journal Public Opinion Quarterly, devoted to research on public opinion, was founded. Today, polls are used to measure public opinion on sociopolitical issues in more than 90% of all countries (Frankovic et al., 2017). In any democracy, public opinion plays a central role, and understanding how these opinions are formed and how they shape people and politicians’ actions is of vital importance. But what is public opinion? Susan Herbst (1993) called it ‘one of the most widely used yet least understood constructs’ (p. 438). Accordingly, a review of research on public opinion must begin by considering what exactly public opinion entails. This can be challenging, given that different participants in the political process may define public opinion in different ways (Herbst, 1998). For example, a person may define public opinion as an aggregate of individual opinions, as it is measured in polls. But public opinion could also be defined as the majority opinion on a topic, or as the general societal consensus on an issue (Herbst, 1993). Others argue that public opinion does not exist at all, but is merely a projection of the political elite or the media leveraged for self-interested purposes (Lippmann, 1922). When defining public opinion, identifying the kinds of opinions that may be held among the public as public opinion is critical. After all, studies of public opinion do not concern themselves with any attitude or belief held among the public. It is not a matter of public opinion whether people believe that the sky is blue. Instead, the study of public opinion is restricted to studying issues that are matters of public debate, or where there is uncertainty regarding public consensus on an issue. Notably, there may be a lack of public consensus on issues where there is in fact consensus among other sub-groups in society (e.g., among scientists), such as when it comes to opinions about climate change or the hazards of vaccination. The hallmark of public opinion is that, among the general public, there is uncertainty regarding the consensus on the issue. But being a matter of public debate is not the only criterion for issues of public opinion, as there are issues on which there may be public disagreement, but where the issue does not hold serious enough societal consequences to be deemed a matter of public opinion. For instance, it is not a matter of public opinion whether people prefer chocolate to vanilla ice cream. Instead, the study of public opinion is restricted to issues that hold significance for society. For example, whether people like a
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舆论心理学
舆论的测量和学术研究都有着悠久的历史。自第一次民意调查发表以来,已经过去了近两个世纪:宾夕法尼亚州的哈里斯堡报纸报道了1824年约翰·昆西·亚当斯和安德鲁·杰克逊之间的总统竞选中选民的意见(Madonna & Young, 2002)。致力于公众舆论研究的《民意季刊》创刊至今已有80多年。如今,在90%以上的国家,民意调查被用来衡量公众对社会政治问题的看法(Frankovic et al., 2017)。在任何民主国家,公众舆论都起着核心作用,了解这些舆论是如何形成的,以及它们如何影响人们和政治家的行动是至关重要的。但是什么是公众舆论呢?Susan Herbst(1993)称其为“使用最广泛但理解最少的构式之一”(第438页)。因此,对民意研究的回顾必须首先考虑民意究竟需要什么。考虑到政治过程中的不同参与者可能以不同的方式定义公众舆论,这可能具有挑战性(Herbst, 1998)。例如,一个人可以将民意定义为个人意见的总和,因为它是在民意调查中衡量的。但是公众意见也可以被定义为对一个话题的多数意见,或者是对一个问题的一般社会共识(Herbst, 1993)。另一些人则认为公众舆论根本不存在,而仅仅是政治精英或媒体为了自身利益的目的而进行的投射(Lippmann, 1922)。在定义公众舆论时,确定公众可能持有的舆论类型是至关重要的。毕竟,民意研究并不关心公众持有的任何态度或信念。人们是否相信天空是蓝色的,这不是一个公众舆论的问题。相反,对公众舆论的研究仅限于研究公众辩论的问题,或者公众对某一问题的共识存在不确定性的问题。值得注意的是,在社会中其他子群体(例如科学家)实际上已经达成共识的问题上,可能缺乏公众共识,例如关于气候变化或疫苗接种危害的意见。公众舆论的特点是,在普通公众中,对这个问题的共识存在不确定性。但是,是否成为公众讨论的问题并不是衡量民意问题的唯一标准,因为有些问题可能存在公众分歧,但这些问题没有严重到足以被视为民意问题的社会后果。例如,人们是喜欢巧克力冰淇淋还是香草冰淇淋,这不是公众舆论的问题。相反,对公众舆论的研究仅限于对社会有重要意义的问题。例如,人们是否喜欢
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