The Demise of Higher Education Performance Funding Systems in Three States. CCRC Working Paper No.17.

Kevin J. Dougherty, Rebecca S. Natow
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引用次数: 44

Abstract

Over the past three decades, policymakers have sought ways to secure better performance from higher education institutions, whether in the form of greater access and success for less advantaged students, lower operating costs, or improved responsiveness to the needs of state and local economies. As a result, great effort has gone into designing incentives for improved college performance. One of the key incentives that state governments have tried is performance funding, which ties state funding directly to institutional performance on specific indicators, such as rates of retention, graduation, and job placement. One of the great puzzles about performance funding is that while it has been popular, it has also been very unstable (Dougherty & Hong, 2006; Erisman & Gao, 2006). States that have enacted performance funding have often and sometimes substantially changed the amount of funding they devote to it and the criteria by which they award that funding. Moreover, the number of states enacting performance funding has waxed and waned. Between 1979 and 2007, 26 states enacted performance funding, but 14 of those states dropped it over the years (with 2 reestablishing it recently) (Burke & Minassians, 2003; Dougherty & Reid, 2007). We are now entering a period of renewed interest. In the past few years, a variety of prominent higher education commissions and researchers have called for greater focus on performance accountability, though often taking forms different from past practice (Blanco, Jones, Longanecker, & Michelau, 2007; Shulock & Moore, 2005, 2007). Moreover, several states have recently enacted or readopted performance funding, including Virginia (in 2005) and Washington (in 2007), and other states, such as Texas and Arizona, have been considering it. Despite its apparent popularity, however, performance funding has experienced only limited and unstable institutionalization in the years since it was first introduced. This Brief, which draws on a longer report, examines this instability. Based on an analysis of three states that enacted and then eliminated performance funding systems, we identify factors that may lead states to let their performance funding systems lapse. To understand the experiences of the three states — Florida, Illinois, Washington — we drew upon interviews and documentary analyses that we conducted in these states. We carried out interviews with state and local higher education officials, legislators and staff, governors and their advisors, and business leaders. The documents we analyzed included state government legislation, policy declarations and reports, newspaper accounts, and analyses by other investigators.
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三个州高等教育绩效拨款制度的消亡。CCRC工作文件第17号。
在过去的三十年里,政策制定者一直在寻找方法来确保高等教育机构的更好表现,无论是为弱势学生提供更多的机会和成功,降低运营成本,还是提高对州和地方经济需求的响应能力。因此,人们在设计激励措施以提高大学成绩方面付出了巨大努力。州政府尝试的关键激励措施之一是绩效资助,它将国家资助直接与机构在特定指标上的绩效挂钩,如保留率、毕业率和就业安置率。关于绩效融资的一大难题是,尽管它很受欢迎,但它也非常不稳定(Dougherty & Hong, 2006;Erisman & Gao, 2006)。实施绩效基金的州经常甚至有时会大幅改变其投入的资金数量和授予资金的标准。此外,实施绩效基金的州的数量时断时续。1979年至2007年间,26个州制定了绩效基金,但其中14个州多年来取消了它(最近有2个州重新建立了它)(Burke & Minassians, 2003;Dougherty & Reid, 2007)。我们现在正进入一个重新燃起兴趣的时期。在过去的几年中,各种著名的高等教育委员会和研究人员呼吁更加关注绩效问责制,尽管通常采取与过去实践不同的形式(Blanco, Jones, Longanecker, & Michelau, 2007;Shulock & Moore, 2005,2007)。此外,几个州最近颁布或重新采用了绩效基金,包括弗吉尼亚州(2005年)和华盛顿州(2007年),其他州,如德克萨斯州和亚利桑那州,也在考虑实施绩效基金。然而,尽管业绩供资显然很受欢迎,但自首次引入以来,它的制度化程度有限,而且不稳定。本简报借鉴了一份较长的报告,探讨了这种不稳定性。基于对三个制定了绩效基金制度然后又取消了绩效基金制度的州的分析,我们确定了可能导致各州让其绩效基金制度失效的因素。为了了解佛罗里达州、伊利诺伊州和华盛顿州这三个州的经验,我们利用了在这些州进行的采访和文献分析。我们采访了州和地方高等教育官员、立法者和工作人员、州长和他们的顾问以及商界领袖。我们分析的文件包括州政府立法、政策声明和报告、报纸报道以及其他调查人员的分析。
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