A bid for memorialization: Negotiating public memory

Rini Pratik Kujur, Puja Sen Majumdar
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Abstract

In March 2018, following the defeat of the Left Front by the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) led alliance in the Assembly elections in Tripura, India, one witnessed the demolition of Lenin’s statue in South Tripura amidst cries of, ‘Bharat Mata Ki Jai!’. The Tripura governor, as a response, tweeted – ‘[w]‌hat one democratically elected government can do another democratically elected government can undo, and vice versa’ (Karmakar 2018: n.pag.). In May 2019, newspaper reports stated that workers from the right-wing political organization, BJP had defaced a statue of Ishwar Chandra Vidyasagar in Vidyasagar College, Kolkata, India. Of the many criticisms levelled against this incident, one in particular took a nativist and elitist tone and posited that the rally consisted of ‘outsiders’, i.e., people from the neighbouring states of Rajasthan, Uttar Pradesh, Bihar and Jharkhand. As these ‘outsiders’ were not cognizant of Vidyasagar’s contributions to the sociocultural and political fabric of West Bengal, it made them more prone to committing said acts of vandalism. To that end, this article will closely examine the contemporary debates concerning the vandalism and restoration of statues in South Asia, which brings up pertinent questions regarding state power and the narratives propagated in the daily lives of its citizens and the iconographic function of statues which allows for communities, both real and imagined to rally around it. As structures of cultural, religious and political significance rise to the fore with increasing frequency, debates on their utility, significance, allegiance and symbolism are burgeoning with multiple meanings. To that end, in an attempt to historicize said events it is imperative to unpack the categories of culture, religious and political representation and what goes into their production in order to better address the questions: ‘Who is represented?’ and ‘[w]ho gets to represent?’. This article will locate the discussion around how statues are related at once to the mundane, the local and the national and when they are vandalized, how are discourses around communities affected as a result within the contours of cultural and religio-political representation.
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争取纪念:协商公众记忆
2018年3月,在印度特里普拉邦的议会选举中,左翼阵线被印度人民党(BJP)领导的联盟击败后,人们目睹了列宁雕像在南特里普拉邦的拆除,人们高呼“印度万岁!”作为回应,特里普拉邦州长在推特上写道:“一个民选政府可以做另一个民选政府可以做的事情,反之亦然”(Karmakar 2018: n.p.g g.)。2019年5月,报纸报道称,右翼政治组织印度人民党(BJP)的工作人员在印度加尔各答维德雅瑟格学院(Vidyasagar College)损毁了伊什瓦尔·钱德拉·维德雅瑟格(Ishwar Chandra Vidyasagar)的雕像。在针对这一事件的众多批评中,有一种特别采用了本土主义和精英主义的语气,并假设集会由“外来者”组成,即来自邻近的拉贾斯坦邦、北方邦、比哈尔邦和贾坎德邦的人。由于这些“外来者”没有认识到维德雅萨加尔对西孟加拉邦社会文化和政治结构的贡献,这使得他们更容易犯下上述破坏行为。为此,本文将仔细研究当代关于南亚雕像破坏和修复的争论,这带来了有关国家权力和公民日常生活中传播的叙事的相关问题,以及雕像的图像功能,这些功能允许真实和想象的社区聚集在它周围。随着具有文化、宗教和政治意义的结构日益频繁地出现,关于其效用、意义、效忠和象征意义的争论也随之兴起,具有多重意义。为此,在试图将上述事件历史化的过程中,有必要解开文化、宗教和政治代表的类别,以及它们的生产过程,以便更好地解决以下问题:“谁被代表了?”和“谁来代表?”本文将围绕雕像如何与世俗、地方和国家联系在一起进行讨论,当它们被破坏时,围绕社区的话语如何受到文化和宗教政治代表的影响。
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