Tribes, Nations, States: Our Three Commerce Powers

AARN: Race Pub Date : 2020-08-22 DOI:10.2139/ssrn.3679265
Christopher R. Green
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Abstract

This Article argues that one aspect of the power to regulate “Commerce with foreign Nations … and with the Indian Tribes” is broader than the power over “Commerce … among the several States.” If “Tribes” and “Nations” consist of people, but “States” of territory, then “Commerce … among the several States” must cross state lines, even though small, local transactions between Americans and non-citizens are commerce “with foreign Nations” or “with the Indian tribes.” Why think that? There is considerable evidence that the tribal commerce power replaces “trade … with the Indians” in the Articles of Confederation, but early direct definitions of the other two commerce powers are surprisingly rare. Antifederalists complained at length that the power to tax for the general welfare would make the federal government all-powerful, but not so about the commerce power which largely did the job after 1937. In January 1788, Federal Farmer 11 described the foreign commerce power as “trade and commerce between our citizens and foreigners.” Elbridge Gerry restated it in 1790 as “trade with foreigners.” Jefferson and Randolph’s 1791 bank objections defined foreign and tribal commerce as commerce with non-citizens. Martens’s 1788 international-law treatise explained “commerce … with foreign nations” as including “power over the foreigners living in its territories.” The 20-year slave-trade protection presupposes broad foreign commerce power, but narrow interstate commerce power: Congress may control “migration,” but not domestic slavery or other labor conditions. The earliest attacks on federal power over non-citizens’ commerce discussing the 1794 Jay Treaty and 1798 Alien Act were internally inconsistent. Despite lots of its own inconsistency, the Supreme Court adopted this view in 1866 in United States v. Holliday. Why care? Broad foreign and tribal commerce powers undermine the late-nineteenth-century motivation for unenumerated “plenary” powers over foreign affairs or tribes; a limited interstate commerce power allows “powers not delegated to the United States by the Constitution” to refer to something. The tribal commerce power likewise supports the Indian Child Welfare Act’s regulation of the transfers of tribal-member custody. Congress’s 1870 protection of non-citizens’ occupational and contracting rights and 1986 prohibition on employment discrimination rest on its foreign commerce power, not the Fourteenth Amendment; Congress may regulate non-citizens’ labor conditions, but not labor conditions generally. Antidiscrimination law can then refocus on equal citizenship — the Privileges or Immunities Clause for states and fiduciary principles for the federal government — instead of historically-less-plausible rights for all humanity. Cases like Graham v. Richardson would turn on pre-emption, and three gaps in antidiscrimination law — federal citizenship classifications in Mathews v. Diaz, governmental functions in Ambach v. Norwick, and tribal classifications in Morton v. Mancari — receive possible justification.
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部落、民族、国家:我们的三大商业力量
本文认为,管理“与外国和印第安部落的贸易”的权力的一个方面比管理“各州之间的贸易”的权力更广泛。如果“部落”和“国家”是由人组成的,而“州”是由领土组成的,那么“几个州之间的贸易”必须跨越州界,即使美国人与非公民之间的小型本地交易是“与外国”或“与印第安部落”的贸易。为什么这么想?有相当多的证据表明,部落的商业权力取代了《邦联条例》中的“与印第安人进行贸易”,但早期对其他两种商业权力的直接定义却少得惊人。反联邦主义者长篇大论地抱怨说,为一般福利征税的权力会使联邦政府变得无所不能,但对1937年以后在很大程度上起了作用的商业权力却并非如此。1788年1月,联邦农民11号将外国商业力量描述为“我们的公民和外国人之间的贸易和商业”。埃尔布里奇·格里(Elbridge Gerry)在1790年将其重申为“与外国人进行贸易”。杰斐逊和伦道夫1791年对银行的反对将外国和部落的贸易定义为与非公民的贸易。马滕斯在1788年的国际法论文中解释说,“与外国的贸易”包括“对居住在其领土上的外国人的权力”。长达20年的奴隶贸易保护规定了广泛的对外贸易权力,但限制了州际贸易权力:国会可以控制“移民”,但不能控制国内奴隶制或其他劳动条件。1794年《杰伊条约》(Jay Treaty)和1798年《外国人法案》(Alien Act)对联邦权力对非公民商业的最早攻击在内部是不一致的。尽管最高法院本身也有很多不一致之处,但在1866年的美国诉霍利迪案中,最高法院采纳了这一观点。为什么在乎吗?广泛的对外和部落商业权力削弱了19世纪后期对外交事务或部落的未列举的“全权”权力的动机;有限的州际贸易权力允许“宪法未授权给美国的权力”指代某事。部落商业力量同样支持《印第安儿童福利法》对部落成员监护权转移的规定。国会在1870年保护非公民的职业和合同权利,以及1986年禁止就业歧视,这些都是基于国会的对外贸易权力,而不是第十四条修正案;国会可以规范非公民的劳动条件,但不能规范一般的劳动条件。反歧视法可以重新关注平等的公民身份——各州的特权或豁免条款和联邦政府的信托原则——而不是历史上不太可信的全人类的权利。像格雷厄姆诉理查森案这样的案件会引发先发制人,反歧视法中的三个漏洞——马修斯诉迪亚兹案中的联邦公民身份分类,安巴赫诉诺威克案中的政府职能,以及莫顿诉曼卡里案中的部落分类——可能会得到辩护。
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