THE NEW METHODOLOGY OF NEGOTIATING WITH THE CANDIDATE COUNTRIES IN THE CONTEXT OF MACRON’S RESHAPING OF EUROPEAN UNION

Bojana Lalatović
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Abstract

The enlargement policy of the European Union is known to be one of its best policies, as it has united a continent, stretched the single market and the common policies, thus conforming many aspects of economic and social life in the European countries. The Western Balkan has become, since the dissolution of ex-Yugoslavia, a very important geopolitical region, known also to be the soft belly of Europe. Thessaloniki Summit, held back in 2003, stamped the European perspective on the Western Balkans and declared it as a near future for the region. Since the entering of Romania and Bulgaria in 2007, it has tightened the negotiation rules, pointing out that the Rule of Law is the most important principle and measure of success for the candidate countries. Now, almost seventeen years from the Thessaloniki moment, the EU has stopped the enlargement policy, as the Member States have not found common ground as to open negotiation talks with North Macedonia and Albania. It seems fair to say that the enlargement does not have anymore its geopolitical relevance. It seems that the EU, due to the financial crisis in 2008, and then the migration crisis that followed, has lost its capacity to absorb new member states. However, France, which is starting to play a more central role in the European centerfield, is proposing a new approach to the Western Balkans, presenting a new methodology. The main point of the French proposal is to gradually include candidate countries in the club, by making them achieve certain rights by passing through various phases, seven of them exactly. One of the most important aspects is also the fact that the candidate countries would have access to structural funds, which they do not have today. However, the French proposal isn’t peacefully accepted yet, as many countries have objected. From a geopolitical standpoint, how is this affecting Europe and how the Western Balkan region? Are Macron’s proposals going to slow down the reform processes, thus endangering all that has been accomplished so far? In terms of common foreign and security policy, and the external action of the EU, can the new methodology play a role? In the context where the EU has to play a more active role in the neighbouring regions, it needs stability and more strength. Will Macron deliver just what is needed or will he turn the situation upside down?
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在马克龙重塑欧盟背景下与候选国家谈判的新方法
众所周知,欧洲联盟的扩大政策是其最好的政策之一,因为它统一了一个大陆,扩大了单一市场和共同政策,从而符合欧洲各国经济和社会生活的许多方面。自前南斯拉夫解体以来,西巴尔干地区已成为一个非常重要的地缘政治地区,也被称为欧洲的软腹。2003年举行的塞萨洛尼基峰会,确立了欧洲对西巴尔干半岛的看法,并宣布这是该地区不久的未来。自2007年罗马尼亚和保加利亚加入后,欧盟收紧了谈判规则,指出法治是候选国最重要的原则和成功的衡量标准。现在,距离塞萨洛尼基事件已经过去近17年了,欧盟停止了扩大政策,因为成员国在与北马其顿和阿尔巴尼亚展开谈判谈判方面没有找到共同点。似乎可以公平地说,欧盟东扩不再具有地缘政治意义。由于2008年的金融危机,以及随后的移民危机,欧盟似乎失去了吸收新成员国的能力。然而,开始在欧洲中场发挥更核心作用的法国,正在向西巴尔干提出一种新方法,提出一种新的方法。法国提议的要点是逐步将候选国家纳入俱乐部,通过不同的阶段,使他们获得一定的权利,其中七个阶段是准确的。最重要的一个方面是,候选国将能够获得它们目前无法获得的结构性基金。然而,由于许多国家反对,法国的提议尚未被和平接受。从地缘政治的角度来看,这对欧洲和西巴尔干地区有何影响?马克龙的提议是否会减缓改革进程,从而危及迄今取得的一切成果?就共同外交和安全政策以及欧盟的对外行动而言,新方法能否发挥作用?在欧盟必须在周边地区发挥更积极作用的背景下,它需要稳定和更多的力量。马克龙是会带来所需的东西,还是会让局势发生翻天覆地的变化?
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