Appendix on Methods

Emily J. Isaacs
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Abstract

This manual emerges from a series of questions from a community that has been affected by the rising toll of UBC deaths. It is a response to the very particular context of the thousands of UBCs who have died since the mid-1990s, which also represents a disaster-like situation for local officials and smaller jurisdictions constituting the majority of this region. This is disaster-like due to the fact that local authorities have not been accustomed or equipped (in terms of infrastructure, finances or training) to deal with this dramatic rise in unknown and decayed human remains in their jurisdictions [52]. Pima County in Arizona has been one of the few jurisdictions to begin to count the UBC dead and unidentified, and alone, they have tallied over 2,000 individuals since the year 2000 [4][9]. The circumstances surrounding UBC deaths are complicated by the fact that many UBCs travel anonymously or under pseudonyms, cannot be identified by common death investigation techniques such as questioning friends and family – often because these people are foreign and/or unknown – or by standard post-mortem treatment accorded to most deaths. This is because UBC remains are often found highly decayed from prolonged exposure to the elements in the remote wilderness settings through which migrants travel. In these circumstances, a sustained process of random and disorganized response techniques based on locally available (insufficient) money, infrastructure and training has meant that for more than a decade, UBCs have been systematically subject to incomplete or uneven investigation, leaving no comprehensive statement about the number of UBC dead nor the number left unidentified. As evident in Figure 18, of the 18 counties at which multiple interviews were conducted, many county officials gave conflicting answers regarding basic aspects of which county offices were involved in given aspects of a body's itinerary, from discovery to release. Officials involved in death investigations are cognizant of the lack of standardization and oversight. Therefore, our team focused on collecting the local knowledge of procedures and protocols from each county jurisdiction. Figure 18: Of the 18 counties in which multiple interviews were conducted, officials occasionally gave conflicting reports of the protocols involved in given stages of a body's itinerary. This chart represents a selection of scenarios for which this conflicted reporting occurred. Values represent percent of 18 counties for which this was the case.
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方法附录
该手册是从受UBC死亡人数上升影响的社区提出的一系列问题中产生的。这是对自20世纪90年代中期以来成千上万的ubc死亡的特殊背景的回应,这也代表了构成该地区大多数的地方官员和较小司法管辖区的灾难般的情况。由于地方当局没有习惯或装备(在基础设施、财政或培训方面)来处理其管辖范围内未知和腐烂遗体的急剧增加,这就像灾难一样[52]。亚利桑那州的皮马县是少数几个开始统计死亡和身份不明的UBC的司法管辖区之一,自2000年以来,他们已经统计了2000多只个体[4][9]。由于许多UBC以匿名或假名旅行,无法通过询问朋友和家人等常见死亡调查技术(通常因为这些人是外国人和/或不认识的人)或对大多数死亡进行的标准尸检来识别,因此围绕UBC死亡的情况变得复杂。这是因为不列颠哥伦比亚省的遗骸经常被发现由于长期暴露于移民旅行的偏远荒野环境中的元素而高度腐烂。在这种情况下,基于当地可用(不足)资金、基础设施和培训的随机和无组织应对技术的持续过程意味着,十多年来,UBC一直系统地受到不完整或不平衡的调查,没有关于UBC死亡人数和不明人数的全面声明。如图18所示,在进行多次采访的18个县中,许多县官员在关于哪些县办事处参与了一个机构的行程的特定方面(从发现到发布)的基本问题上给出了相互矛盾的答案。参与死亡调查的官员认识到缺乏标准化和监督。因此,我们的团队专注于从每个县的司法管辖区收集当地的程序和协议知识。图18:在进行了多次采访的18个国家中,官员们偶尔会对机构行程的特定阶段所涉及的协议给出相互矛盾的报告。此图表表示发生冲突报告的场景选择。数值代表了18个县的百分比。
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2 From Cocoon to Chaos in Journalism 1 Making the Good Worker 4 The Price of Passion in Theater Appendix on Methods 6 Epilogue: Encouraging Good Work
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