{"title":"Teleological and reflexive nationalism in the new Europe","authors":"Neil Walker","doi":"10.4324/9780429492044-10","DOIUrl":null,"url":null,"abstract":"This paper examines the growing influence of reflexive over teleological nationalism in sub-state movements. Teleological nationalism is the more conventional modern type, involving a menu of set goals, the ultimate being full sovereignty. Reflexive nationalism, by contrast, involves an adjustable relationship between a self-defining ‘people’ and a set of institutional platforms, where collective goals are cumulative rather than predetermined, relative rather than absolute. Reflexive nationalism claims a standing right to decide - 'sovereignty of choice' rather than ‘sovereignty of outcome’. Particularly in the unsettled environment of contemporary multi-layered Europe, where the supranational EU challenges the sovereign authority of member states, national movements (in Scotland, Catalonia, Flanders etc.,) tend towards reflexive nationalism. Sometimes they become an established part of the governmental landscape, their long-term aspirations de-emphasized. Yet questions remain. First, is reflexive nationalism transferable between settings? Is the ‘right to be taken seriously’ as regards questions of self-determination an emerging European or even global norm, or, as the case of Catalonia has vividly demonstrated in very recent times, is its acceptance or rejection purely a matter of local constitutional law and politics? Secondly, is it legitimate? Is it ‘fair dealing’ in terms of the recognition also due the self-determination claims of existing national sovereigns? Thirdly, is it sustainable long term? Is the 'right to decide', regardless of what is decided, a meaningful proto-sovereignty, and, if so, can sovereignty’s delivery be deferred indefinitely without losing that right to decide?","PeriodicalId":148873,"journal":{"name":"Changing Borders in Europe","volume":"56 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0000,"publicationDate":"2018-10-15","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":"4","resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":null,"PeriodicalName":"Changing Borders in Europe","FirstCategoryId":"1085","ListUrlMain":"https://doi.org/10.4324/9780429492044-10","RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":null,"ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":null,"EPubDate":"","PubModel":"","JCR":"","JCRName":"","Score":null,"Total":0}
引用次数: 4
Abstract
This paper examines the growing influence of reflexive over teleological nationalism in sub-state movements. Teleological nationalism is the more conventional modern type, involving a menu of set goals, the ultimate being full sovereignty. Reflexive nationalism, by contrast, involves an adjustable relationship between a self-defining ‘people’ and a set of institutional platforms, where collective goals are cumulative rather than predetermined, relative rather than absolute. Reflexive nationalism claims a standing right to decide - 'sovereignty of choice' rather than ‘sovereignty of outcome’. Particularly in the unsettled environment of contemporary multi-layered Europe, where the supranational EU challenges the sovereign authority of member states, national movements (in Scotland, Catalonia, Flanders etc.,) tend towards reflexive nationalism. Sometimes they become an established part of the governmental landscape, their long-term aspirations de-emphasized. Yet questions remain. First, is reflexive nationalism transferable between settings? Is the ‘right to be taken seriously’ as regards questions of self-determination an emerging European or even global norm, or, as the case of Catalonia has vividly demonstrated in very recent times, is its acceptance or rejection purely a matter of local constitutional law and politics? Secondly, is it legitimate? Is it ‘fair dealing’ in terms of the recognition also due the self-determination claims of existing national sovereigns? Thirdly, is it sustainable long term? Is the 'right to decide', regardless of what is decided, a meaningful proto-sovereignty, and, if so, can sovereignty’s delivery be deferred indefinitely without losing that right to decide?