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Changing Borders in Europe最新文献

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National state foreign policy and regional external action 国家外交政策和区域对外行动
Pub Date : 2018-12-21 DOI: 10.4324/9780429492044-11
Caterina García i Segura, J. Etherington
The sovereign nation-state has traditionally been conceived as the main actor in the international system, with the ability to pursue independent foreign policy considered an integral part of state sovereignty. While international relations have always been more than the sum of inter-state relations, in recent years the rescaling of social, political, economic and cultural systems has produced a plethora of actors and networks both public and private, and at different territorial scales that question central states’ monopoly in international relations and, potentially, the very nature of sovereignty. This paper deals with the external action of sub-state regions, which has grown exponentially in last decades, and asks under what conditions is this external action perceived as a challenge to nation-state foreign policy and, by extension, to the sovereignty of the nation-state. We center our analysis on the development of SSE external action in Spain since the reestablishment of democracy in 1978, and specifically that of Catalonia. The analysis of this case is understood as a plausibility test for checking the factors and the conditions under what paradiplomacy turns to protodiplomacy.
传统上,主权民族国家被认为是国际体系中的主要角色,奉行独立外交政策的能力被认为是国家主权的组成部分。虽然国际关系一直不仅仅是国家间关系的总和,但近年来,社会、政治、经济和文化体系的重新调整产生了过多的公共和私人行为者和网络,在不同的领土范围内,这些行为者和网络质疑中央国家在国际关系中的垄断地位,并可能质疑主权的本质。本文讨论了在过去几十年中呈指数级增长的次国家地区的对外行动,并询问在什么条件下这种对外行动被视为对民族国家外交政策的挑战,进而延伸到民族国家的主权。我们集中分析了自1978年民主重建以来SSE在西班牙的对外行动的发展,特别是加泰罗尼亚的对外行动。对这一案例的分析可以理解为检验准外交向原外交转变的因素和条件的合理性检验。
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引用次数: 2
The European multilevel party system 欧洲多党制
Pub Date : 2018-12-21 DOI: 10.4324/9780429492044-3
A. Schakel
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引用次数: 0
Democracy and borders 民主与边界
Pub Date : 2018-12-21 DOI: 10.4324/9780429492044-9
Ferrán Requejo, Klaus-Jűrgen Nagel
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引用次数: 3
Self-determination and the reconfiguration of the nation-state in Europe 自决与欧洲民族国家的重构
Pub Date : 2018-12-21 DOI: 10.4324/9780429492044-15
J. Jordana, Adam Holesch, M. Keating, A. Marx, J. Wouters
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引用次数: 1
Territory, boundaries and collective self-determination 领土、边界和集体自决
Pub Date : 2018-12-21 DOI: 10.4324/9780429492044-14
M. Moore
This paper examines the relationship between territory, boundaries, and self-determination, focusing especially on the relationship between functional justifications for state territory and state borders, and that of self-determination. It argues that a successful justificatory argument for territorial right appeal to the idea of ‘self-determination’, and responds to the usual criticism of this norm, while also accepting some role for functional justifications. It argues that functional explanations for state territory are valid, and that a state has to achieve the goods that justify it (so is functional in that sense) but that this argument is compatible with many different territorial configurations. It also argues that an appeal to ‘self-determination’ is a much more plausible argument (along with functionalism as a necessary but not sufficient condition), and argues that the ‘self ’ ought to be defined in a way that is non-ethnic and non-statist and shows how such a definition could be helpful.
本文考察了领土、边界和自决之间的关系,特别关注国家领土和国家边界的功能正当性与自决之间的关系。它认为,领土权利的一个成功的正当性论证诉诸于“自决”的概念,并回应了对这一规范的通常批评,同时也接受了功能正当性的某些作用。它认为,对国家领土的功能性解释是有效的,一个国家必须实现证明其合理性的商品(从这个意义上说,这是功能性的),但这一论点与许多不同的领土结构是相容的。它还认为,呼吁“自决”是一个更合理的论点(以及功能主义作为必要条件,但不是充分条件),并认为“自我”应该以一种非种族和非国家主义的方式来定义,并展示了这样的定义是如何有用的。
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引用次数: 0
Undermining federal projects? Referendums in the United Kingdom and the European Union 破坏联邦项目?英国和欧盟的公民投票
Pub Date : 2018-12-21 DOI: 10.4324/9780429492044-13
S. Tierney
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引用次数: 0
Stability in political unions 政治联盟的稳定性
Pub Date : 2018-12-21 DOI: 10.4324/9780429492044-4
P. Beramendi
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引用次数: 0
EU and the recognition of states 欧盟和国家的承认
Pub Date : 2018-12-21 DOI: 10.4324/9780429492044-8
Jessica Almqvist
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引用次数: 1
Self-determination constellations 自决星座
Pub Date : 2018-12-21 DOI: 10.4324/9780429492044-6
Dejan Stjepanović
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引用次数: 2
Teleological and reflexive nationalism in the new Europe 新欧洲的目的论与反身性民族主义
Pub Date : 2018-10-15 DOI: 10.4324/9780429492044-10
Neil Walker
This paper examines the growing influence of reflexive over teleological nationalism in sub-state movements. Teleological nationalism is the more conventional modern type, involving a menu of set goals, the ultimate being full sovereignty. Reflexive nationalism, by contrast, involves an adjustable relationship between a self-defining ‘people’ and a set of institutional platforms, where collective goals are cumulative rather than predetermined, relative rather than absolute. Reflexive nationalism claims a standing right to decide - 'sovereignty of choice' rather than ‘sovereignty of outcome’. Particularly in the unsettled environment of contemporary multi-layered Europe, where the supranational EU challenges the sovereign authority of member states, national movements (in Scotland, Catalonia, Flanders etc.,) tend towards reflexive nationalism. Sometimes they become an established part of the governmental landscape, their long-term aspirations de-emphasized. Yet questions remain. First, is reflexive nationalism transferable between settings? Is the ‘right to be taken seriously’ as regards questions of self-determination an emerging European or even global norm, or, as the case of Catalonia has vividly demonstrated in very recent times, is its acceptance or rejection purely a matter of local constitutional law and politics? Secondly, is it legitimate? Is it ‘fair dealing’ in terms of the recognition also due the self-determination claims of existing national sovereigns? Thirdly, is it sustainable long term? Is the 'right to decide', regardless of what is decided, a meaningful proto-sovereignty, and, if so, can sovereignty’s delivery be deferred indefinitely without losing that right to decide?
本文考察了在次国家运动中,反身性民族主义对目的论民族主义日益增长的影响。目的论民族主义是更传统的现代类型,涉及一系列既定目标,最终是完全主权。相反,反身性民族主义涉及自我定义的“人民”与一系列制度平台之间的可调节关系,其中集体目标是累积的而不是预先确定的,是相对的而不是绝对的。反身性民族主义主张一种长期的决定权——“选择主权”而不是“结果主权”。特别是在当代多层欧洲的不稳定环境中,超国家的欧盟挑战成员国的主权权威,民族运动(在苏格兰,加泰罗尼亚,佛兰德斯等)倾向于反身民族主义。有时,他们成为政府格局的一部分,他们的长期抱负不再受到重视。然而问题依然存在。首先,反身性民族主义是否可以在不同的环境中转移?关于自决问题的“被认真对待的权利”是一种新兴的欧洲甚至全球规范,还是,正如加泰罗尼亚最近的情况所生动证明的那样,接受或拒绝它纯粹是当地宪法法律和政治的问题?其次,这是否合法?就承认现有国家主权的自决要求而言,这是“公平交易”吗?第三,它能否长期持续?不管决定了什么,“决定权”是一种有意义的主权原型吗?如果是,主权的交付是否可以无限期推迟而不失去决定权?
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引用次数: 4
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Changing Borders in Europe
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