Co-operation and Incorporation 1926–27

Mary Davis, J. Foster
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Abstract

This chapter looks at the aftermath of the strike in which the government’s victory led to a serious rethinking of its attitude to the labour movement and industrial relations. It examines the division within Tory ranks on how best to deal with potential future militancy based on the perceived strength of socialist forces. Both hawks and ‘modernisers’ were concerned to deliver a tame trade union movement. The 1927 Trades Disputes Act appeased the hawks, the ‘modernisers’ strategy was one of reducing further friction between capital and labour by encouraging joint working and consensus. This strategy was dependent on winning the agreement of trade union leaders and the TUC. Bevin, in a turn to the right, played a major role in ensuring compliance. He was subject to sustained criticism within the TGWU for his role in calling off the strike and in the aftermath in which employers sought retribution initiating mass victimisation of strikers. The central argument of the chapter is that 1927 marked a major turning point leading to the social partnership agenda detailed in the ensuing Mond-Turner agreement.
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1926-27年合作与合并
这一章着眼于罢工的后果,政府的胜利导致了对工人运动和劳资关系态度的认真反思。它考察了保守党内部的分歧,即如何最好地应对基于社会主义力量的潜在未来战斗。鹰派和“现代化派”都希望能带来一场温和的工会运动。1927年的《贸易纠纷法案》安抚了鹰派,“现代化者”的策略是通过鼓励共同工作和达成共识来减少劳资之间的进一步摩擦。这一策略取决于赢得工会领导人和英国职工大会的同意。向右转的贝文在确保合规方面发挥了重要作用。他一直受到TGWU内部的批评,因为他在取消罢工中所扮演的角色,以及在罢工后雇主寻求报复,开始大规模迫害罢工者。本章的中心论点是,1927年标志着一个重要的转折点,导致了随后的蒙德-特纳协议中详述的社会伙伴关系议程。
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