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UNITE History Volume 1 (1880-1931)最新文献

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‘Mondism’: Talking to Big Business 1927–28 “世界主义”:与大企业对话1927-28
Pub Date : 2021-08-01 DOI: 10.3828/liverpool/9781800859715.003.0007
Mary Davis, John Foster
This chapter discusses the attempt to forge a social partnership with the employers. The lesson Bevin and the TUC learned from the General Strike was class warfare was never to be repeated and that capitalism was here to stay. Citrine and Bevin argued that 'trade unionism has reached the end of a defensive stage in its evolution' and that its new aim should be to join with employers in to raise industry to its highest efficiency. Alfred Mond and 21 other employers mainly in the newer industries responded favourably leading to the Mond-Turner talks leading to a set of proposals were agreed which the TUC regarded as the foundation of the industrial relations of the future in contrast to the 'outdated' conflictual model of the militants. Bevin led these discussions. The main employers' organisations representing the older industries overwhelmingly rejected the Mond-Turner proposals.
本章讨论了与雇主建立社会伙伴关系的尝试。贝文和英国职工大会从总罢工中学到的教训是,阶级斗争永远不会重演,资本主义将继续存在。Citrine和Bevin认为,“工会主义在其演变过程中已经达到了防御阶段的终点”,它的新目标应该是加入雇主的行列,将工业提高到最高效率。阿尔弗雷德·蒙德和其他21位主要来自新兴行业的雇主对此反应积极,促成了蒙德-特纳会谈,并达成了一系列建议,TUC认为这些建议是未来劳资关系的基础,与“过时”的武装分子冲突模式形成鲜明对比。贝文领导了这些讨论。代表老工业的主要雇主组织压倒性地拒绝了蒙德-特纳的提议。
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引用次数: 0
The General Strike 1926 1926年总罢工
Pub Date : 2021-08-01 DOI: 10.3828/liverpool/9781800859715.003.0005
Mary Davis, J. Foster
This chapter examines the operation of general strike and includes detailed regional and sectoral trade union responses to it, highlighting in particular the wholehearted involvement of the TGWU and Bevin’s initial enthusiastic supportive leadership. However, the chapter examines how after 9 days the TUC on the initiative of the NUR leader, J.H.Thomas, fell into a trap, and called off the strike on the false assumption indicated by the Samuel memorandum, of government involvement in securing a settlement. This was not forthcoming –TUC called off the strike without winning a single concession and the miners were defeated. Baldwin’s portrayed the strike as a constitutional challenge to State authority, encapsulated in the question: ‘Who rules Britain?’ TUC answered with a white flag.
本章考察了总罢工的运作,包括详细的地区和行业工会对此的反应,特别强调了TGWU的全心参与和贝文最初热情支持的领导。然而,这一章考察了9天后,工会大会如何在全国劳工联合会领导人托马斯的倡议下落入陷阱,并在塞缪尔备忘录中指出的政府参与确保解决的错误假设下取消了罢工。这并没有发生——tuc没有赢得任何让步就取消了罢工,矿工们也被打败了。鲍德温将这次罢工描述为对国家权威的宪法挑战,并提出了一个问题:“谁统治英国?”英国职工大会举着一面白旗回答。
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引用次数: 0
Preparations for the General Strike 1925–26 1925 - 1926年总罢工的准备工作
Pub Date : 2021-06-15 DOI: 10.2307/j.ctv1r1nqxz.11
Mary Davis, J. Foster
This chapter examines the way in which the government prepared to tame the labour movement and assert control in the face of continued rank-and-file militancy. This proved to be a harder task than Baldwin anticipated as evidenced by the government climb down on Red Friday 1925. Assisted by right wing forces in the Labour Party and in the trade unions, the government launched an ideological offensive against the left. Once again miners were at centre stage of the managerial offensive to inflict wage reductions and the government, in supporting the interests of big business, made assiduous preparations for the forthcoming industrial offensive. The TUC failed to prepare.
本章考察了政府准备驯服工人运动的方式,并在面对持续的普通战斗性时坚持控制。事实证明,这是一项比鲍德温预期的更艰巨的任务,1925年红色星期五政府的让步证明了这一点。在工党和工会右翼势力的帮助下,政府对左翼发起了意识形态攻势。矿工们再一次站在了削减工资的管理层攻势的中心,而政府为了支持大企业的利益,为即将到来的工业攻势做了艰苦的准备。TUC没有做好准备。
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引用次数: 0
‘Mondism’:
Pub Date : 2021-06-15 DOI: 10.2307/j.ctv1r1nqxz.14
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引用次数: 0
The TGWU and the Labour Movement 1922–24 TGWU和1922-24年的劳工运动
Pub Date : 2021-06-15 DOI: 10.2307/j.ctv1r1nqxz.9
Mary Davis, J. Foster
This chapter looks at the increasingly polarised left/right battles within the TGWU and wider labour movement. It examines the influence of the Communist Party and rank-and-file organisations such as the National Minority Movement and the National Unemployed Workers Movement. Bevin, in opposing the communist led left, confronted the unofficial dock strikes, but was nonetheless critical of the first minority Labour government, during which two official strikes - one of London bus and tramway workers and the other of dockers were supported by the union’s leadership, despite the discomfiture caused to the labour government. The position of women in the new union is also considered.
本章着眼于在TGWU和更广泛的劳工运动中日益两极分化的左/右斗争。它考察了共产党和普通组织的影响,如全国少数民族运动和全国失业工人运动。贝文反对共产主义领导的左翼,反对非正式的码头罢工,但仍然批评了第一个少数派工党政府,在此期间,两次正式罢工——一次是伦敦公共汽车和有轨电车工人罢工,另一次是码头工人罢工——得到了工会领导层的支持,尽管这给工党政府造成了混乱。还考虑了妇女在新联盟中的地位。
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引用次数: 0
Labour Rescued 劳工获救
Pub Date : 2021-06-15 DOI: 10.2307/j.ctv1r1nqxz.19
Mary Davis, J. Foster
This chapter discusses economic policies, public spending (the May committee’s proposals) and the reaction to the fall of the Labour government. The economic problems in the wake of the Wall Street crash were debated in the Macmillan Committee on Finance and Industry on which Bevin sat. He signed both the main report submitted in 1931, (which offered little) and the minority report drafted by Keynes. The May Committee proposed drastic cuts in public spending including cuts in unemployment benefit. Both the TUC and the TGWU rejected these proposals as did many Labour MPs. However MacDonald, Thomas and Snowden supported the cuts and joined with the Tories to form a National Government in order to implement them. The Labour government fell and the number of its MP’s fell to 46 in the 1931 general election.
本章讨论了经济政策、公共支出(梅委员会的提案)以及对工党政府垮台的反应。华尔街崩盘后的经济问题在贝文所在的麦克米伦金融和工业委员会(Macmillan Committee on Finance and Industry)进行了辩论。他签署了1931年提交的主要报告(内容很少)和凯恩斯起草的少数派报告。五月委员会提议大幅削减公共开支,包括削减失业救济金。与许多工党议员一样,TUC和TGWU都拒绝了这些提议。然而,麦克唐纳、托马斯和斯诺登支持削减开支,并与托利党一起组建了一个国家政府来实施这些措施。1931年的大选中,工党政府垮台,其国会议员人数降至46人。
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引用次数: 0
The General Strike 1926 1926年总罢工
Pub Date : 2021-06-15 DOI: 10.2307/j.ctv1r1nqxz.12
R. Florey
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引用次数: 0
Setting the Scene 1880–1920 背景设定1880-1920
Pub Date : 2021-06-15 DOI: 10.2307/j.ctv1r1nqxz.7
Mary Davis, J. Foster
This chapter discusses the militancy of the period, staring with the Great Dock Strike of 1881and the expansion of ‘new unionism’ to unskilled workers. It examines the mass militancy of the ‘great unrest’, its continuation during WW1 and the impact of the Russian Revolution. This, and the employers’ counter-offensive, set the scene for the impetus to initiate trade union alliances (the Triple Alliance of transport, rail and coal unions), and TU amalgamations. The chapter also looks at political responses resulting ultimately in the foundation of the Labour Party and the Communist Party.
本章讨论了这一时期的战斗性,从1881年的大码头罢工和“新工会主义”向非技术工人的扩展开始。它考察了“大动乱”的大规模战斗性,它在第一次世界大战期间的延续以及俄国革命的影响。这一点,以及雇主的反攻,为发起工会联盟(运输、铁路和煤炭工会的三重联盟)和TU合并创造了动力。本章还探讨了最终导致工党和共产党成立的政治反应。
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引用次数: 0
List of Figures 数字一览表
Pub Date : 2021-06-15 DOI: 10.2307/j.ctv1r1nqxz.3
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引用次数: 0
Index 指数
Pub Date : 2021-06-15 DOI: 10.2307/j.ctv1r1nqxz.21
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引用次数: 0
期刊
UNITE History Volume 1 (1880-1931)
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