Refugee repatriation and ongoing transnationalisms

Yolanda Weima
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引用次数: 6

Abstract

Transnationalism has proven to be a productive lens with which to engage a wide variety of interconnected factors and outcomes of border-crossing – from the economic to the affective – in an increasingly interconnected world. While the focus in many studies of transnationalism has largely been on voluntary and/or economic migrants, or even on transnational corporations or elite capitalist classes, even cursory attention to world news over the past few years makes it clear that many, many other people are on the move for diverse reasons. While the distinction between voluntary and forced migration is contested and unclear in many contexts, it is not disputed that many people are compelled to move across borders for reasons related directly to survival (Betts, 2013). The United Nations High Commission for Refugees (UNHCR) has called the current state of forced displacement “unprecedented” in scope and scale, including the number of people it classifies as “refugees” (UNHCR, 2015). As migrant journeys receive more media coverage, increasing attention is also being paid to the ways refugees stay in touch with those who have not yet left, or cannot leave, the places they themselves have left behind. Such ties across borders continue when some refugees are, finally, able to return “home,” but little attention has yet explored the trajectories of transnationalisms of refugees and migrants who return or are repatriated to their “countries of origin.” The transnationalism of refugees has not gone unremarked by geographers and other social scientists theorizing transnationalism, even before the current media attention, and in recent years scholars have proposed and taken up transnationalism as a useful conceptual tool for theorizing the cross-border movements and ties of forced migrants (Bailey, Wright, Mountz, & Miyares, 2002; Hyndman, 2010; Nolin, 2006). The application of such a transnational lens to the study of the experience of refugees has productively shed light on transnationalisms marked not only by flows, movement, and connections but also by ruptures and sutures, waiting and immobilities. Both research on migrant transnationalisms and emerging research focusing specifically on refugee transnationalisms have tended to focus on diasporic communities, and the transnational networks and practices of those who have left their countries of origin, with close connections to both migration studies and refugee studies respectively (Dwyer, 2001). A significant gap in this literature is due to its continued assumption that refugee mobilities are unidirectional, and across long distances. Only a few scholars are attentive to the ongoing transnationalisms of refugees who return to their countries of origin (Bakewell, 2000; Fresia, 2014; Olivier-Mensah & Scholl-Schneider, 2016).
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难民遣返和正在进行的跨国主义
跨国主义已被证明是一个富有成效的镜头,在一个日益相互关联的世界中,它可以参与各种相互关联的因素和跨境的结果-从经济到情感-。虽然许多跨国主义研究的重点主要集中在自愿和/或经济移民上,甚至是跨国公司或精英资本阶级上,但即使是对过去几年世界新闻的粗略关注也清楚地表明,还有许多人出于各种各样的原因在流动。虽然在许多情况下,自愿移民和强迫移民之间的区别存在争议和不明确,但毫无争议的是,许多人被迫跨越边界是出于与生存直接相关的原因(Betts, 2013)。联合国难民事务高级专员办事处(UNHCR)称,目前被迫流离失所的范围和规模是“前所未有的”,包括被其列为“难民”的人数(UNHCR, 2015)。随着媒体对移民之旅的报道越来越多,人们也越来越关注难民与那些尚未离开或无法离开的人保持联系的方式。当一些难民最终能够返回“家园”时,这种跨越国界的联系仍在继续,但很少有人关注难民和移民返回或被遣返到他们的“原籍国”的跨国主义轨迹。难民的跨国主义并不是没有被地理学家和其他社会科学家理论化的跨国主义所注意到,甚至在当前的媒体关注之前,近年来学者们已经提出并将跨国主义作为理论化强迫移民的跨境运动和联系的有用概念工具(Bailey, Wright, Mountz, & Miyares, 2002;Hyndman, 2010;Nolin, 2006)。将这种跨国视角应用于难民经历的研究,有效地揭示了跨国主义的特征,不仅包括流动、移动和联系,还包括破裂和缝合、等待和静止。关于移民跨国主义的研究和专门关注难民跨国主义的新兴研究都倾向于关注散居社区,以及那些离开原籍国的人的跨国网络和实践,它们分别与移民研究和难民研究有着密切的联系(Dwyer, 2001)。这一文献中的一个重大差距是由于它继续假设难民流动是单向的,并且跨越长距离。只有少数学者关注返回原籍国的难民的持续跨国主义(Bakewell, 2000;Fresia, 2014;Olivier-Mensah & Scholl-Schneider, 2016)。
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