Opposition Parties in Hybrid Regimes: Between Repression and Co-optation: The Case of Russia's Regions

R. Turovsky
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引用次数: 8

Abstract

Abstract In this article the author analyses the intricate combination of repression and co-optation policies conducted by Russia's ruling elites in their relations with the opposition on the regional level. As the study shows the structural features of electoral authoritarianism not only ensure the victories of ‘approved’ candidates but also make the rare oppositional winners to adapt to the existing regime and change the political affiliation. If the regime gets more authoritarian the oppositional party can still be a tool to win a local election. But after being elected, the winner finds himself in another political environment of existing patron–client relations, and has no other choice than to become a dependent member, or an agent (according to principal–agent theory) in higher-level clientele. As a result, oppositional party has become useless in the recruitment of influential executive power elite. However, while blocking unwanted ‘invasion’ of opposition into the executive power the regime allows opposition to be presented in the leadership of regional legislative power. This policy reflects the necessity to make an opposition more loyal and included into the system of power relations in most safe and efficient for the ruling elite way.
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混合政权下的反对党:在压制与拉拢之间:以俄罗斯地区为例
在这篇文章中,作者分析了俄罗斯统治精英在地区层面上与反对派的关系中实施的复杂的镇压和拉拢政策。正如研究显示的那样,选举威权主义的结构特征不仅确保了“被认可的”候选人的胜利,而且还使罕见的反对派获胜者适应现有政权并改变政治派别。如果政权变得更加专制,反对党仍然可以成为赢得地方选举的工具。但在当选后,获胜者发现自己处于另一种既有的主顾关系的政治环境中,别无选择,只能成为一个依赖成员,或者成为更高层次客户的代理人(根据委托代理理论)。因此,在野党在招募有影响力的行政权力精英方面变得毫无用处。然而,在阻止反对派不必要地“入侵”行政权力的同时,该政权允许反对派在地区立法权的领导中出现。这一政策反映出,有必要让反对派更加忠诚,并以对统治精英最安全、最有效的方式纳入权力关系体系。
本文章由计算机程序翻译,如有差异,请以英文原文为准。
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