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Editorial Board page 编委会页面
Pub Date : 2014-10-02 DOI: 10.1080/15705854.2014.960169
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引用次数: 0
Dr Jekyll and Mr Hyde: The Story of the Populist Public Affairs Party in the Czech Republic 《化身博士:捷克共和国民粹主义公共事务党的故事
Pub Date : 2014-09-01 DOI: 10.1080/15705854.2014.945254
V. Havlík, Vít Hloušek
Abstract The 2010 parliamentary election resulted in the unprecedented electoral success of the Public Affairs, the first electorally successful exclusively populist political party in the history of the Czech Republic. The article examines the history, ideological profile and the internal organization of the party and concludes that the success of the party was facilitated by the growing dissatisfaction with the political situation. The VV result also indicates (together with the success of TOP 09 and the drop in electoral support for ODS) that the dynamics of the party system are changing, and that the right-wing/centre part of the political spectrum in the Czech Republic is undergoing restructuring. When assessing the organizational structure of the party, VV can be labelled as an excellent example of business-firm party.
在2010年的议会选举中,捷克公共事务党(Public Affairs)获得了前所未有的选举成功,这是捷克历史上第一个获得选举成功的民粹主义政党。本文考察了党的历史、思想形态和内部组织,并得出结论,党的成功是由于对政治局势日益不满。VV的结果也表明(连同TOP 09的成功和ODS的选举支持下降)政党制度的动态正在发生变化,捷克共和国政治光谱的右翼/中间部分正在进行重组。在评估政党的组织结构时,VV可以被认为是商业企业政党的一个很好的例子。
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引用次数: 28
The Coverage of the Eurozone Economic Crisis in the British Press 英国媒体对欧元区经济危机的报道
Pub Date : 2014-09-01 DOI: 10.1080/15705854.2014.922352
Paula M. Baranowska
Abstract Calls for a referendum on UK's membership in the EU entered permanently into the political debate, and several surveys showed that many British citizens may like to leave the European community. This article examines the portrayal of the EU in the British press during the eurozone recession. It presents analysis of news sections in four newspapers: The Guardian, The Times, The Sun and The Daily Mail, which was conducted between November 2011 and July 2012. The research shows inaccuracies in the coverage of the eurozone crisis that lead to a very unfavourable portrayal of the EU as an artificial, undemocratic organisation dragging Britain and the world into financial problems.
要求就英国是否留在欧盟举行全民公投的呼声永久地进入了政治辩论,几项调查显示,许多英国公民可能希望离开欧洲共同体。本文考察了欧元区衰退期间英国媒体对欧盟的描述。报告分析了《卫报》、《泰晤士报》、《太阳报》和《每日邮报》这四家报纸在2011年11月至2012年7月间的新闻版面。这项研究表明,对欧元区危机的报道不准确,导致人们把欧盟描绘成一个人为的、不民主的组织,把英国和世界拖入金融问题。
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引用次数: 2
Mapping the Agency of a Small, Former Colonial Power: Portugal and EU Political Conditionality in Sub-Saharan Africa 绘制一个小的,前殖民大国的机构:葡萄牙和欧盟在撒哈拉以南非洲的政治条件
Pub Date : 2014-09-01 DOI: 10.1080/15705854.2014.945274
A. Raimundo
Abstract As a former colonial power in Africa, Portugal has been a conspicuously neglected case in the contemporary academic literature on Europe–Africa relations. This article explores Portugal's role in European Union (EU) relations with Africa, focusing on the issue of political conditionality. The analysis considers how active Portugal has been at the EU level regarding that controversial issue and to what extent Lisbon has tried to mediate between its European partners and Africa. Taking into account the limited contributions on the topic, this article makes great use of primary sources and takes a long-term perspective. The findings show that Portugal's general stance was mainly reactive and cautious. However, Portuguese policy-makers ingeniously used intra-EU pressures towards conditionality to highlight Portugal's conciliatory position and buttress a bridging role between Europe and Africa. This study contributes to the literature on Portuguese foreign policy in the EU–Africa context and provides useful insights for other studies on smaller EU member states as well as Europe–Africa relations.
葡萄牙作为非洲的前殖民大国,在当代欧非关系学术文献中一直是一个明显被忽视的案例。本文探讨了葡萄牙在欧盟与非洲关系中的作用,重点是政治条件问题。分析考虑了葡萄牙在欧盟层面对这一有争议的问题的积极程度,以及里斯本在其欧洲伙伴和非洲之间试图进行调解的程度。考虑到对该主题的有限贡献,本文充分利用了第一手资料,并从长远的角度出发。调查结果显示,葡萄牙的总体立场主要是被动和谨慎。然而,葡萄牙的政策制定者巧妙地利用欧盟内部对条件的压力,突出了葡萄牙的和解立场,并支撑了欧洲和非洲之间的桥梁作用。本研究对欧盟-非洲背景下葡萄牙外交政策的文献研究做出了贡献,并为其他关于较小欧盟成员国以及欧洲-非洲关系的研究提供了有用的见解。
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引用次数: 2
The crisis of the European Union: a response (translated by Ciaran Cronin) 欧盟的危机:一个回应(翻译:Ciaran Cronin)
Pub Date : 2014-09-01 DOI: 10.1080/15705854.2014.940128
B. Radeljić
This book complements Habermas’s Europe: The Faltering Project (2009) in which he addressed a number of issues being of crucial relevance for the highly questionable future of the European Union. He focused on the decreasing involvement of intellectuals in debates regarding the future of Europe – a serious lack that can affect future policy-making, the presence of Islam (securitization, potential risks, greater inclusion and tolerance), the power of the Lisbon Treaty (which actually does not solve the European problems he identifies) and, lastly, the potential of the public sphere to get involved and contribute to official decisions. The Crisis of the European Union: A Response claims that Europe is now more than ever a constitutional project. Such a claim has to do with the challenges posed by the recent EU crisis that has clearly confirmed the existence of some alarming differences amongst the EU’s member states that will further erode solidarity. As Habermas puts it,
这本书是对哈贝马斯的《欧洲:摇摇欲坠的计划》(2009)的补充,哈贝马斯在《欧洲:摇摇欲坠的计划》(2009)中阐述了一些与欧盟前途极不确定的问题至关重要的相关问题。他关注知识分子越来越少地参与有关欧洲未来的辩论——这种严重的缺乏会影响未来的政策制定、伊斯兰教的存在(证券化、潜在风险、更大的包容和宽容)、《里斯本条约》的力量(这实际上并没有解决他认为的欧洲问题),以及最后,公共领域参与并促进官方决策的潜力。《欧盟的危机:回应》声称,欧洲现在比以往任何时候都更像是一个宪法项目。这种说法与最近的欧盟危机带来的挑战有关,这场危机清楚地证实了欧盟成员国之间存在一些令人担忧的分歧,这些分歧将进一步削弱团结。正如哈贝马斯所说,
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引用次数: 20
A ‘European Year of Citizens’? Looking Beyond Decision 1093/2012: Eyeing the European Elections of 2014 “欧洲公民年”?展望第1093/2012号决议:关注2014年欧洲选举
Pub Date : 2014-09-01 DOI: 10.1080/15705854.2014.945255
N. Vogiatzis
Abstract This contribution discusses three pivotal post-Lisbon challenges of EU constitutional law and EU policies vis-à-vis European citizens, using the Decision 1093/2012, which established the European Year of Citizens (EYC) 2013, as a case study or a starting point for further reflection. Because of its silence on these challenges, the Decision unravels them: the need to dissociate legitimacy in the EU from information campaigns and move towards the establishment of additional instruments that will augment democratic legitimacy; the need to reconceptualize the so-called market citizenship, moving beyond references to and reliance upon free-movement rights; and the need to adequately address and protect the rights of third-country nationals. The remainder of this article examines whether the new procedure for the election of the Commission President could turn 2014 a more promising EYC, and considers the provisions of Article 17.7 TEU in relation to the aforementioned threefold constitutional framework.
本文以设立2013年欧洲公民年(EYC)的第1093/2012号决议为案例研究或作为进一步思考的起点,讨论了欧盟宪法和欧盟政策对-à-vis欧洲公民的三个关键后里斯本挑战。由于对这些挑战保持沉默,《决定》揭示了这些挑战:需要将欧盟的合法性与信息运动分离开来,并朝着建立能够增强民主合法性的额外工具的方向发展;需要重新定义所谓的市场公民身份,超越对自由流动权利的提及和依赖;以及充分处理和保护第三国国民权利的必要性。本文的其余部分将探讨欧盟委员会主席选举的新程序是否会使2014年成为一个更有希望的EYC,并考虑第17.7条TEU的规定与上述三重宪法框架的关系。
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引用次数: 3
Cleavage Theory and Elections in Post-Soviet Russia 分裂理论与后苏联俄罗斯的选举
Pub Date : 2014-09-01 DOI: 10.1080/15705854.2014.881051
Y. Korgunyuk
Abstract This paper presents a detailed technique for identifying links between the electoral cleavages and political divides, on the one hand, and between the electoral cleavages and factors of social stratification, on the other. The described methodology is subsequently used for studying the political and social content of the electoral cleavages in post-Soviet Russia (1993–2011). Two ‘full’ long-term electoral cleavages are detected that can be interpreted both politically and socially: (1) ‘pro-market modernists versus anti-market traditionalists’; (2) ‘authorities versus community’. The first cleavage defined the political development of the country in the 1990s, the second determined it for the period after 2000. The first cleavage has strong correlation with left-right (socioeconomic) and ‘modernist–traditionalist’ political dimensions, the second with the ‘authoritarian-democratic’ division. Both cleavages are conditioned socially first of all by urban–rural differences or, what is the same, the economic successfulness of different territories. The ‘pro-market modernists versus anti-market traditionalists’ cleavage also has a strong connection to the level of sociocultural development of the territories, the ‘authorities versus community’ cleavage to their demographic characteristics (particularly, ethnic composition).
摘要本文提出了一种详细的技术来识别选举分裂和政治分裂之间的联系,以及选举分裂和社会分层因素之间的联系。所描述的方法随后被用于研究后苏联俄罗斯(1993-2011)选举分裂的政治和社会内容。我们发现了两个“完整的”长期选举分裂,可以从政治和社会两方面进行解释:(1)“亲市场的现代主义者与反市场的传统主义者”;(2)“当局对社区”。第一个分裂定义了20世纪90年代国家的政治发展,第二个分裂决定了2000年之后的时期。第一个分裂与左右(社会经济)和“现代主义-传统主义”政治维度密切相关,第二个分裂与“威权主义-民主”分裂有关。这两种分裂首先受到城乡差异的社会制约,或者,同样的,不同地区的经济成就。“支持市场的现代主义者与反对市场的传统主义者”的分裂也与领土的社会文化发展水平有很强的联系,“当局与社区”的分裂与其人口特征(特别是种族构成)有很强的联系。
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引用次数: 3
Regime Dispensability and Democratic Transitions: A Case Comparison of Spain and Turkey 政权可弃性与民主转型:西班牙与土耳其的个案比较
Pub Date : 2014-09-01 DOI: 10.1080/15705854.2014.881052
Ioannis N. Tzortzis
Abstract Democratic transitions are usually complex and uncertain processes, and specifying paths to democratisation is a tentative process. One of the controversial and less explored paths is that of regime self-transformation. An attempt is made in this paper to explain this kind of transition with the notion of regime dispensability, a situation in which the dictatorial regime is abandoned in favour of a non-dictatorial one, using two countries that experienced such regime-initiated democratic transitions, namely Spain and Turkey, in a comparative framework. Dispensability is linked to the nature of the dictatorial regime and is used as a tool to account for causes of, and regime groups that can bring about, the regime's transformation, as well as for the implications of self-transformation for the future democracies.
民主转型通常是一个复杂而不确定的过程,指明民主化的路径是一个试探性的过程。其中一条有争议但探索较少的路径是政权自我转型。本文试图用政权可有可无的概念来解释这种过渡,在这种情况下,独裁政权被放弃,转而支持非独裁政权,并使用两个经历过这种政权发起的民主过渡的国家,即西班牙和土耳其,在一个比较框架中。可有可无与独裁政权的本质有关,并被用作解释政权转型的原因和可能带来政权转型的政权集团的工具,以及对未来民主国家自我转型的影响。
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引用次数: 0
The EU as a global security actor: a comprehensive analysis beyond CFSP and JHA 欧盟作为全球安全参与者:超越CFSP和JHA的综合分析
Pub Date : 2014-09-01 DOI: 10.1080/15705854.2014.940129
Constantinos Adamides
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引用次数: 21
The Social Constructivist Fusion Perspective: A Theory for Europeanization 社会建构主义融合视角:一种欧洲化理论
Pub Date : 2014-09-01 DOI: 10.1080/15705854.2014.900988
G. Tanil
Abstract This article seeks to explain the role of identity politics in defining national elites' perceptions of the European Union (EU) and their subsequent foreign-policy choices. It is argued that when analysing the foreign-policy choices of national elites, not only interests and preferences, but also identity questions must be taken into account. In any national context, ideas, identities and perceptions of self and the EU are expected to impact on subsequent policy choices about Europe. This article seeks to explain this impact by applying a combination of the fusion and social constructivist approaches.
本文旨在解释身份政治在界定国家精英对欧盟的看法及其随后的外交政策选择中的作用。有人认为,在分析国家精英的外交政策选择时,不仅要考虑利益和偏好,还要考虑身份问题。在任何国家的背景下,对自我和欧盟的观念、认同和看法都将影响随后对欧洲的政策选择。本文试图通过融合和社会建构理论的结合来解释这种影响。
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引用次数: 4
期刊
Perspectives on European Politics and Society
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