Writing/Body: Symbolic as a Political Act in a New Way

Yubraj Aryal
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Abstract

If writing is a form of body (1), which of course is, how does the writing form its own body and style of its existence giving a symbolic a new dimension of political? This question first came to my mind when I began to think about modernist avant-garde writings in general and L+A+N+G+U+A+G+E writing and Conceptual writing in particular relating my own current ongoing research on body, political, and identity. I was wondering how the recent day writings like language poetry and conceptual poetry furnish an example to my point that certain community form their own body and identity by their own self-affectivity, without being overpowered by the dominant ideology and meaning. In my own ongoing research, I am trying to invent a new model of political identity moving away from the usual view of the political as a set of power relations between the binaries of ideology, class, gender, race, etc., always constructed by the instantiation of power on the level of state or government or other larger institutions. (2) My point is that there can be a new formation of our political identity going beyond the traditional way of attributing it to power relations such as ideology, discourse, and knowledge formations. My interest is to explore the possibility of developing a new model of identity beyond and sometimes within these boundaries of power relations, based (unlike the grand narratives of ideology, discourse, class, etc., which are often personalized or individualized) on prepersonal and preindividual affects, which shape our political; and this, I argue, occurs not on top of political formations such as states and governments but at the level of practices of individuals, or groups of individuals. To testify to my claim, I bring two communities--one from Eastern culture (the sadhu community (3)) and the other from Western culture (the homosexual community)--into my discussion as case studies. For example, the sadhus construct their own bodies and thoughts (here, the formation of one's body and thought means the formation of political identity or being political), not borrowing from existing ideology, discourse and knowledge as found in mainstream politics, but developing their own body practices through the arrangement of prepersonal or preindividual forces (affects) (4). Similarly, the community of homosexuals creates their identity (their invention of new erotic zones in the body and new discourses of sexuality--i. e. political identity) and becomes political differently from mainstream political codification. This short editorial is an attempt to observe how language writing and conceptual writing form their own modes of expression and their own identities as distinct poetic traditions as opposed to, what Charles Bernstein calls, "official verse culture." I want to show how the avant-garde communities of poets in their different group variations fit into my political categories of sadhus and homosexuals who form their own bodies and identities beyond the prevalent practices and thoughts, and how their writings ("symbolic" acts) are political. Charles Bernstein, Ron Silliman, Bob Perelman, Lyn Hejinian and other poets led a new movement in poetry in the 80s known as L+A+N+G+U+A+G+E poetry. Similarly, Caroline Bergvall, Christian Bok, Robert Fitterman, Kenneth Goldsmith, Vanessa Place, Craig Dworkin and Marjorie Perloff started to introduce Conceptualism in poetry after 90s. The main objection of both groups of poets and critics to the mainstream tradition was poetry is not a made thing but a making, or process. In other words, poetry is not a message a poet wants to transmit but a medium--"medium is a message"--in which he expresses his concept. The poetry movement was intended "to change the way the reader interacts or responds to the poem." (5) The language and conceptualist poets believe that the materiality of the language and its objectivist/conceptualist presentation in poetry "with the great care" is what makes poetry proper. …
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写作/身体:新方式下的象征政治行为
如果写作是身体的一种形式(1),这当然是,写作如何形成自己的身体和它存在的风格赋予象征性一个新的政治维度?这个问题第一次出现在我的脑海里,是当我开始思考现代主义先锋派的写作,以及L+A+N+G+U+A+G+E的写作,尤其是与我自己目前正在进行的关于身体、政治和身份的研究有关的概念写作时。我想知道,最近的语言诗和概念诗是如何为我的观点提供一个例子的,即某些群体通过他们自己的自我情感形成他们自己的身体和身份,而不被占主导地位的意识形态和意义所压倒。在我自己正在进行的研究中,我试图发明一种新的政治认同模式,以摆脱通常将政治视为意识形态、阶级、性别、种族等二元之间的一套权力关系的观点,这种观点总是由国家或政府或其他更大机构层面上的权力实例所构建。(2)我的观点是,我们的政治认同可以有一种新的形成,超越将其归因于意识形态、话语和知识形成等权力关系的传统方式。我的兴趣是探索发展一种超越权力关系界限的新身份模式的可能性,有时在权力关系界限之内,基于(不像意识形态、话语、阶级等的宏大叙事,这些叙事往往是个性化的或个性化的)前个人和前个人的影响,这些影响塑造了我们的政治;我认为,这不是发生在国家和政府等政治组织的顶层,而是发生在个人或个人群体的实践层面。为了证明我的观点,我将两个群体——一个来自东方文化(苦行僧群体),另一个来自西方文化(同性恋群体)——作为案例研究纳入我的讨论。例如苦行僧构建自己的身体和思想(这里身体和思想的形成意味着政治认同的形成或政治的存在),不是借用主流政治中已有的意识形态、话语和知识,而是通过前个人或前个人的力量(影响)的安排来发展自己的身体实践(4)。同性恋群体创造了他们的身份(他们在身体中发明了新的色情区域和新的性话语)。E.政治认同),并成为不同于主流政治法典化的政治。这篇简短的社论试图观察语言写作和概念写作如何形成自己的表达模式和自己的身份,作为独特的诗歌传统,而不是查尔斯·伯恩斯坦所说的“官方诗歌文化”。我想展示先锋派诗人群体在他们不同的群体变化中是如何符合我的政治范畴的苦行僧和同性恋者,他们在流行的实践和思想之外形成了自己的身体和身份,以及他们的作品(“象征性”行为)是如何具有政治性的。查尔斯·伯恩斯坦、罗恩·西利曼、鲍勃·佩雷尔曼、林恩·海吉尼安和其他诗人在80年代领导了一场新的诗歌运动,被称为L+ a +N+G+U+ a +G+E诗歌。同样,卡洛琳·伯格瓦尔、克里斯蒂安·博克、罗伯特·菲特曼、肯尼斯·戈德史密斯、凡妮莎·普雷斯、克雷格·德沃金和马乔里·佩尔洛夫在90年代后开始将概念主义引入诗歌。这两类诗人和批评家对主流传统的主要反对是诗歌不是一种制造的东西,而是一种制造或过程。换句话说,诗歌不是诗人想要传递的信息,而是一种媒介——“媒介是一种信息”——诗人用它来表达自己的概念。诗歌运动旨在“改变读者与诗歌互动或回应的方式”。(5)语言和概念主义诗人认为,语言的物质性及其在诗歌中的“小心翼翼”的客观主义/概念主义呈现是诗歌的恰当之处。…
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